Hillsdale: Great Figures in History

Hillsdale

Combined arms warfare in ancient Greece: from Homer to Alexander the Great and his successors

from Homer to Alexander the Great and his successors

The Roman military base at Dura-Europos, Syria: an archaeological visualisation

an archaeological visualisation

Why is it said that the Roman Republic ended with the Gracchi?

Why-is-it-said-that-the-Roman-Republic-ended-with-the-Gracchi

Hippocratic oratory: the poetics of early Greek medical prose

the poetics of early Greek medical prose

New perspectives on power and political representation from ancient history to the present day: repertoires of representation

repertoires of representation

What made the Roman Army so powerful?

/What-made-the-Roman-Army-so-powerful

The quaestorship in the Roman Republic

Klio. Beihefte, 31

Postoral Homer: orality and literacy in the Homer epic

orality and literacy in the Homer epic

La prière dans la tradition platonicienne, de Platon à Proclus

de Platon à Proclus

Accommodating the individual: identity and control after Alexander

identity and control after Alexander

Law, Marriage, and Christian Community in Early Islam

Weitz, Lev E. Between Christ and Caliph: Law, Marriage, and Christian Community in Early Islam. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018. Pp. viii, 339. £53.50. ISBN: 978-0-8122-5027-5.

   Reviewed by Cosmin Tudor Ciocan
        OVIDIUS University of Constanta, Romania
        cosmin.ciocan@univ-ovidius.ro


In the conventional historical narrative, the medieval Middle East was composed of autonomous religious traditions, each with distinct doctrines, rituals, and institutions. The entire human race was under the reign of altering, change, and formation; no civilization was strong enough to subdue all, even if, for a different amount of time, each one struggles to prove it is worthy of that. Christianity was no different at all. The interaction between people of different religious confessions in the streets, marketplaces, and even shared households were continually influencing each other, fluctuating the message of their own religion and overlapping traditions when they encountered elements that better clarified or more specifically covered spiritual needs. Such practices can be meet everywhere in human history, without any restraint to a specific segment of the population and without any particular distinguishing from any religion. This reality shows both the nonexistent spiritual comprehensiveness from one or another religion, as well as the cohesion and the unity of the human race as well as the correspondence between all religious traditions.

When the Islamic civilization come to its greatness was aware of Christianity's prominence and influence, and the medieval Islamic writers had no problem in recognizing this with emotion and certain admiration. This association that the Muslim writers expressed with dignity and without restraint in their medieval writings denote the impartiality with which the history of the Christian civilization is rewritten from the Arab perspective when it was at its dawn. This is the feeling Weitz leaves from his work to any reader, Christian or not.

The focus of Arabic writers Weitz look into them is primarily towards this overlap of Civilizations, Christians' and Islam's. "What does the history of the medieval Middle East look like if we recognize non-Muslims to have been as integral to the landscape of the Islamic empire as al-Jahiz suggests that they were" (2)? The second highest focus of Weitz's work resides in the Arabic interest on Christian sexuality and their astonishment on how it influences Christianity's view so deep, even in its most sacred theological doctrines.

The exceptionalism of Between Christ and Caliph resides in this particular aspect of civilizations overlapping, not only in the direction which the mainstream religion influences those that continue to emerge but, on the same level of emulation, it is happening vice-versa. In essence, caliphal rule spurred Christian elites to root the integrity of their communities in a newly redefined social institution: the Christian household (2). A large portion of this book states what was the impact of Arabic Islamic view over sexuality and marriage over the Siryac Christian communities. As a response to the distinguished Islamic householders for example, Syriac Christian bishops created new regulations on regard to marriage, inheritance, and family, banning polygamy and seeking to revive the Christian society in a higher moral position. A particular, still universal habit, was to stimulate sexual bonds, marriage and concubinage between conquerors and conquered subjects (207), bonds permitted and mostly encouraged by the Islamic conquerors, especially when they came over the Roman provinces filled with polygamy and conscious involvements. As well, combined with the Quranic approval of marriage to People of the Book and the fact that the first waves of Muslim settlers were predominantly male soldiers, these bonds were encouraged for the sake of integration of conquered people into the conquerors' households (208). In return to this growing habit and as a strategy for keeping Christian women who have married into the conquerors' households within the Christian fold, bishops of Syriac Christian communities considered this situation somewhat problematic. "In the eyes of the bishops, the followers of the Quranic dispensation were heretics at best, and a variety of seventh-century Christian legal works express disapproval of marriage between the conquerors and Christian women" (209). Basically, their concern and bannition were towards interreligious marriage as "unlawful and inappropriate," under the potentiality of apostasy "marriage to hanpe brings Christian women to the customs of strangers to the fear of God" (209).

The gradual conversion and incorporation into the Muslim community of many of these peoples, as well as the cultural and religious materials they brought with them, in one of the most important storylines of Islamic history. I was deeply caught by this presentation of the historical development of the Syriac Christian legal tradition that reveals impartially how non-Muslims were presented and acknowledged as the essential elements in the making of the Islamic Empire. Thus, I consider Between Christ and Caliph a complete book, significant for both Christians and Muslims, in recognition of their mutual influence over traditions, civilizations and cultural activities. I enthusiastically recommend it for the vivid interreligious negotiations occurring from the Middle Ages until nowadays that it presents.

The Medicina Plinii: Latin text, translation, and commentary

Latin text, translation, and commentary

Antioch II: the many faces of Antioch: intellectual exchange and religious diversity, CE 350-450

intellectual exchange and religious diversity, CE 350-450

The gaze of Homer: light and vision in the Iliad

light and vision in the Iliad

Hillsdale: Great Figures in History, Moses

/great-figures-in-history-moses

Rock and Roll Sweepstakes, Campbell Devine, Vols. 1 & 2

Volume Two: Hunter by Proxy

Colwater High

One Fine Day

Lounge Lizard considered for Mott The Hoople but shelved (2, p. 29). 

There have been few works on the band, along with Ian’s own diary, but this is the first authorized biography covering the Mott years.

Chapter 1 The Loner

His parents were Walter Walker Patterson and Freda Mary Potts. Walter had been born in Hamilton, Scotland, in 1910. The Scottish roots included loyal men who stood by James III, James IV, and Mary Queen of Scots. Freda was born Wellington, Shropshire, in 1916 and married in 1938. Ian was born in 1939, eight years later, Robert, both born in Market Drayton. Ian’s father had been a communist in his youth (p. 21). Ian‘s mother had been a committed Methodist however this unlikely pair married. Once Ian’s father fought in World War II he completely changed although his life was very difficult throughout.

In 1939 Ian spent his first few months in Oswestry, at Eaton Villas at 6 York Street but because of the war his mother had fled to Scotland. Freda headed to Hamilton, Working in the city while Walter’s younger sister, Janet Ferguson otherwise known as Aunt Nettie looked after the child (p. 22). They lived in Hamilton with Nettie at Peacock Cross until Ian was 6 (p. 23). Dad’s family was amazing and Ian enjoyed Scotland while he still supports the local Hamilton Academical Football Club where he enjoyed watching games at the original Douglas Park (p. 24). Equi’s restaurant is still there which Ian visits when in town. Ian’s Grandmother was a real character and even published poetry: Margaret Jarvie, known as Peggy, wrote “Two Minutes Silence” which was published in the Hamilton Advertiser in the late 1930s (p. 24). In contrast to his father, his grandparents and related family were musical and magical for Ian.

However, at the end of the war, when Ian was six years old, the Patterson clan moved to No. 8 Walker Street in Wellington, Shropshire (p. 24); they were there only a few months and the Pattersons moved from Ellesmere to Market Drayton in Shropshire but only for a year (p. 26). The family relocated to Whitchurch where Ian attended Claypit Street School (p. 27). The family was clearly unsettled with his father being reassigned to one place after the other and then Ian moved up to Whitchurch Grammar (p. 27).

At this time and an additional police transfer to Shrewsberry required the family to move to 23a Swan Hill, a house that of course would be later immortalized in a song of the same name (p. 27). The Priory Grammar School was close by and Ian felt like a loner during this time.

He sang in an unidentified church (Methodist: maybe as his mother attended?) choir at this time and his first knowledge of personal musical interest was in Ronald Chesney’s harmonica (p. 30). His first record was Chesney’s “Blue Tango”; the first concert attended was The Chessmen (sic), at the Music Hall in Shrewsbury when he was sixteen (p. 31). The Chessmates (their actual name) a number one hit with “What Do You Wanna Make Those Eyes at Me For.”
Richard Hayman’s, Blue Tango:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GHaGdaC-KUk
Chesney: Harmonica Harmonies:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3IL61hPZA70
Chessmates (not the Chessmen):
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/What_Do_You_Want_to_Make_Those_Eyes_at_Me_For%3F
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KbL530kanTU

Music seemed like the only way out of a loner life and although he had some athletic talent it was not good enough for him to compete at a high-level. He was a typical working class kid and skipped aimlessly from job to job. Inspired by Morton Fraser’s Harmonica Gang Shrewsbury bands were an outlet: The Rhythm Boys Skiffle Group, The Pattersons, and Wardle’s Harmoniacs (p. 35), also known as the Tony Wardle Harmonica Band. Ian considered the latter his first proper band. His first gig was with Tony in Shrewsbury, in 1955. Ian convinced the band to try the Olympics, “Western Movies” which did not go over well.
https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=morton+fraser+harmonica+gang
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BUSGKlGCIT4
Ian also was part of The Rhythmatics with Tony and the band played a Boxing Day concert at Shrewsbury Prison which was covered in the 3 February 1956 Shrewsbury Chronicle article, “Young Rhythm Experts”; the article stated they were enthusiastic and could go far.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shrewsbury_Chronicle
Spycatcher told the story about the Cambridge Spy Ring which involved Ian’s father working as a detective unfortunately his mother burnt any of his work after his death in 1980 (p. 38).
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spycatcher

Alienated from his family, in particular his father, Hunter escaped to Butlin’s, a holiday camp for poor people, where he played with Apex band members Colin York and Colin Broom. As a trio they played “Blue Moon” and won the competition but all three players came down with the flu and didn’t capitalize on their win (p. 38).
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1-nV8bOyELQ
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blue_Moon_(1934_song)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MiY5auB3OWg
Ian left home and stayed with Broom in Spring Boroughs, in August 1957 (p. 39). Later he lived in Bailiff Street while apprenticing at various factory jobs. It was at this time that it really got turned onto hard rock and roll via Jerry Lee Lewis and Little Richard.

Often playing live at The Black Lion pub in Northampton Ian joined Frank Short, along with York, and Broom in The Apex Group (also known as The Apex, The Apex Six, or The Apex Skiffle Group). The band also often played at The Old White Hart Inn in Northampton where the band was on TV but the tape has not survived (pp. 42-43). Ian never saw the footage but was told later that the one-camera shot caught his head bobbing up and down to “Western Movies.” On Boxing Day 1957, Apex appeared on Roll Back the Carpet performing skiffle and folk songs, “Streamline Train,” and “Wabash Cannonball.” To my knowledge no tape exists. On February 3rd a Pye Demo Session was held The Grand Hotel in Northampton. Likewise, no tape survived. Ian injected rock ‘n’ roll into the set by singing “Great Balls of Fire” (p. 43). The band won local competitions, recorded “My Dixie Darling” at Star Sound Studios, but most accounts state that Ian was not on the record (p. 44). During this time Ian lived in Northampton with girlfriend, Hazel, in St. James End, known locally as Jimmy’s End (p. 44). The band tended towards R&B while Ian pursued basic rock ‘n’ roll. Another band claims Ian played with them but he does recall this (p. 45); though, by hanging out with the wrong crowd his father confronted him strongly enough to scare him back to Shrewsbury (p. 46).

Ian formed a harmonica duo with Tony Wardle, met and married Diane Coles in June 1960, and both returned to Northampton, having two children, Stephen Patterson, born in March, 1961 and Tracy, born in September 1964. The family lived at 13 Fife Street in St. James End (p. 46). Musically fluid Ian also joined back with the Apex, along with The Cadillacs, Johnny Cave and the Cave Dwellers, The Ian Patterson Vocal Group, Ian Patterson and the Acoustics, and The Skyliners (p. 47). Apex recorded again but Ian was not on these recordings (p. 47).

Chapter Two Blood Flowed from My Fingers

In 1963, Ian formed his first rock ‘n’ roll band: Hurricane Henry and the Shriekers (p. 48). The band rehearsed in a Nissan hut behind the Drill Hall on Northampton’s Clare Street. The Apex’s Short, the band’s leader, was not happy with Ian’s side venture, and Ian bounced between gigs and bands, having little family time, and numerous dead end jobs, when his daughter Tracy was born as the family lived on Alcombe Road in Northampton (p. 49).

Another Jerry Lee Lewis fan, Freddie “Fingers” Lee, née Fred Cheeseman, proved instrumental for Ian (pp. 50-51). Sacked by Screamin’ Lord Sutch, Lee was available and asked him to join his band as leader while Ian moved to bass forming Freddie Lee and the Shriekers. Lee moved in with Ian’s family while Freddie brought contacts and gigs in Germany during 1965 (p. 53). Bands were regularly ripped off but the musicians were paying their dues. Ian met saxophonist Howie Casey of The Krewcats who was later a session player for Mott The Hoople (p. 55). Ian also started honing his songwriting craft and earning his musical chops though Lee discouraged Ian from singing (pp. 55-56).

Ian first recorded on the novelty song “The Friendly Undertaker” credited to Lee while also playing on some demos at Regent Sound at 4 Denmark Street in London. The house engineer, Bill Farley, became an important contact for Hunter (p. 56). In late 1965 Hunter quit the Shriekers and joined The Homelanders for three months whilst his domestic life degenerated (p. 56).

Ian had been in three of the biggest local bands but was getting nowhere musically. Ian headed south in 1966 to London while Diane took their two children back to Shrewsbury (p. 56). The family was reunited for a time and they moved to Cheverton Road in London, just north of the Archway (p. 57). Farley inspired Ian to write songs having earned money for contributing lyrics for The Pretty Things song “Rosalyn” (p. 58).

Another crucial mate entered his life, Miller Anderson, who had also been in The Voice with future collaborator Mick Ronson (pp. 58-59). In 1966 Anderson was looking for a bass player in a new band so they formed The Scenery in June 1966 (p. 59). At about the same time Hunter met Ronno when The Scenery gigged with The Rats at London’s Flamingo Club (p. 60).

Farley supported The Scenery cutting various tracks at Regent Sound. A 1967 release on Impact coupled the A-side “To Make a Man Cry” backed by “Thread of Time.” Both tunes credited Ian, née Patterson, Anderson, and Farley under a pseudonym. Another song was “Queue Jumping” co-written by Ian and Anderson which was released only in Japan. Anderson borrowed another co-written song, “Waiting Around,” which Anderson released with the Keef Hartley Band (p. 60-61).

At the same time Ian and Miller backed Mike Berry and The Young Idea; they were packaged on a March 1967 tour with The Hollies and The Spencer Davis Group (p. 61). On May 10th signed with Sandie Music Limited until they released him in December; thereafter, he contracted with publishers Francis, Day & Hunter Limited. Ian wrote “Broken Dreams and Promises” and “Lucinda Brown” but no one recorded either. “And I Have Learned to Dream” was recorded by Dave Berry on Decca. “Gilbert the Ghost” was written but never released and only a publicity photograph emerged (p. 61). The Scenery also placed on a 1967 tour backing David McWilliams along with fellow folkies The Dubliners and The Kerries. Ian and Miller auditioned for Paul Raven, whom both laughed at; Raven later was successful as Gary Glitter (p. 63). In late 1967 The Scenery morphed into The Freddie Fingers Lee Band, and with a fifties revival hitting Britain, Fred and Ian formed At Last the 1958 Rock and Roll Show with Lee moving back in with Ian’s family on Cheverton Road (p. 63).

Ian, Fred, and Anderson recorded “I Can’t Drive” (p. 64) and for NEMS at CBS Studios with backing vocals by Grapefruit (p. 65) with the B-side “Working on the Railroad” the only At Last record. The band appeared in a documentary about Bill Haley and “Railroad” was covered by Tom Jones (p. 65). “Drive” and “Great Balls of Fire” were recorded for German television Beat Club (p. 65). In April 1968 the band toured Ireland (p. 66).

Ian and Anderson thought the 1950s revival would not last so they tried a new image with Lee as Charlie Woolfe (p. 67); they also signed to NEMS, distributed by CBS and recording their only single at Olympic Studios. Released in August 1968, the essay was a cover, “Dance, Dance, Dance” backed by “Home” penned by Ian, Lee, and Anderson (p. 67). Miller left for Keef Hartley and The Scenery briefly reformed (p. 68).

In early 1969 Ian worked the club circuit on bass for Billy Fury (p. 68) but he really had no direction and with a failing marriage he went to his parents for advice (p. 69). They were supportive and by a fluke his song writing career kept him alive. “Seasons Song” was recorded by Nicol Williamson but CBS’s Mike Smith never had Ian’s permission. Ian was put on a retainer at Francis, Day & Hunter as compensation (p. 70). Louisa Jane White would also record the tune (p. 71). At the same time Ian also composed for Leeds Music and Peers Music and briefly was associated with The New Yardbirds (p. 71). With unfilled contracts from the original band rehearsals were undergone but the project fell apart (p. 72) in early 1969.

Chapter Three Two Miles from Heaven

Before Mott formed the future members of the band had been in various bands (pp. 74ff.) but they needed a singer when Guy Stevens, their producer for Island Records, did not think that Stan Tippins was right for the band.

Chapter Four The Twilight of Pain Through Doubt

Guy Stevens was chaotic as a person but enthusiastic about the idea of a unique Mott sound.

“Credence” is misspelled for Creedence Clearwater Revival (p. 108).

In Melody Maker Stevens posted a critical ad: “ISLAND RECORDS LTD. Need PIANIST/SINGER to join exciting hard rock band playing Bob Dylan influenced country rock music—Immediate album recording work RING REGENT 6228” (p. 108). Ian was older than the others, certainly for a rock band in 1969 but engineer Bill Farley pressed Ian and called three times at his Archway flat for him to audition (p. 109).

Ian played “Like a Rolling Stone” and Sonny Bono’s “Laugh at Me” along with a disappointing bass opus the latter of which fell flat (p. 110). Ian was in, at least temporarily, until someone better came along. Stevens mentored the band and he wanted Ian though nothing Ian did was impressive, from his age, weight, look, or clothes but something clicked (p. 111). For Ian it was either Mott or the factory (p. 112); Mott was the obvious choice. Mott lived at 20b Lower Sloane Street in SW1 until moving to 17 Stonor Road and later a flat on the North End Road, both in West Kensington (p. 113).

Silence, with Ian, became a new band, rehearsing at The Pied Bull at 100 Upper Street in Islington, commencing on 9 June 1969 (p. 125). Rehearsals included: “The Rebel,” “Laugh at Me,” “At the Crossroads,” “Little Christine,” “Rabbit Foot and Toby Time,” “Half Moon Bay,” and “If the World Saluted You.” Songs that didn’t make the cut were Watts’ “The Wreck,” Hunter-Ralphs’ “Back in the States Again,” Ian’s “Lavender Days,” Dylan’s “Desolation Row,” Chuck Berry’s “Little Queenie,” “‘Yma Sumac,” “The Parrot and the Cat,” and “Jekyll and Hyde.” “When My Mind’s Gone” and “Half Moon Bay” arose from the first rehearsal and Ian was the first in the band, given his desperation to make it, who applied himself (p. 115). Stevens also pushed Ian in Dylanesque direction and Ian responded with “Backsliding Fearlessly” and “Road to Birmingham” (p. 116).

After eleven days of rehearsals, on 20 June 1969, the band entered Morgan Sound Studios on Willesden High Road (p. 116). Numerous names were suggested for the band but the one that stuck is the title, Mott The Hoople, from a novel by Willard Manus about a ne’er do well Hoople (p. 117). In addition to the songs on the LP Berry’s “Little Queenie,” “Find Your Way,” and Ralphs’ “Little Christine,” Dylan’s “Like a Rolling Stone,” were recorded but his “Desolation Row” did not survive. Ralph’s vocal on “The Rebel” also emerged (p. 125). Hunter earliest compositions “Don’t Make Any Promises” and “Suddenly I’m Alone” did not survive, only “Road to Birmingham” (pp. 125-126). The first album was released on 22 November 1969 at the time of the Beatles Abbey Road (p. 126); the album barely entered the charts when the Beatles released their last Let It Be album.

With the first album release live gigs were scheduled away from the British press on 6 August 1969 at The Bat Caverna in Italy (p. 131). It was a less than auspicious start as Ian played so poorly the audience thought he was blind since he always wore his trademark sunglasses; once they realized he was sighted they lost all interest (p. 132). Mott appeared on the bill with I Nomadi - Suoni, a band that recorded an Italian rip-off of Ian Hunter’s, “Waterlow” (p. 132). Stevens had ripped off M.C. Escher’s art (p. 129) so I guess what goes around comes around.

Unrecorded live songs included Hunter’s: “The Hunchback Fish,” “Rung from Your Ladder,” “Brand New Cadillac,” “Opus in Dm,” “Jekyll and Hyde,” and a cover of The Youngbloods, “Darkness, Darkness,” along with “Half Moon Bay” with a special introduction of drums and percussion (p. 133).

They returned for their first British live performance at Romford Market Hall on 5 September 1969 (p. 133) while Stevens promoted the band to music writers. Appearing with first-rate, but significantly different style, King Crimson’s Robert Fripp became an early fan of the band (p. 135). In October, in Oxfordshire and Hertfordshire at Harwell, the band finally hit their stride when Ian imitated his ‘50s rock’n’roll heroes and his persona emerged (p. 136). At The Friars Club in Aylesbury during December ZigZag’s Pete Frame championed Mott (p. 137) and the band first received acclaim for their wild live act. Mott didn’t fit into either of the main rock genres of the time—blues or psychedelia—and they wanted to be stars, whatever that might mean (p. 140).

The band entered Olympic Studios in November with Ralphs’ “Thunderbuck Ram,” and Hunter’s “The Hunchback Fish” was taped but never finished (p. 141). Their second offering exhibited new twists and turns.

Chapter Five Sticky Fingers

On 3 February 1970, the band secured their first British radio session, recording “Laugh at Me,” “At the Crossroads,” and “Thunderbuck Ram” at the BBC’s Maida Vale No. 4 Studio (p. 142) and was broadcast on John Peel’s Top Gear show on 21 February. The band was active by playing about 200 gigs during the year and recording two albums (p. 143). They also appeared on the German TV show Beat Club in March 1970 playing “You Really Got Me” and “At the Crossroads” taped at RB Studio 3 in Bremen (p. 144). Playing regularly they honed their live act and built a loyal following which Island failed to take advantage of. Their fashion boots and flamboyant clothes seemed to influence Marc Bolan, Slade, Sweet, and Elton John (p. 147).

In 1970 Mott also started Sticky Fingers recording sporadically in February, March, and April at Olympic Sound No. 1 while the Stones recorded in No. 2 and their record bore Mott’s title. Stevens had given their title to the Stones and Guy suggested Mad Shadows to Mott (p. 148). Stevens’ volatility and tensions within the band and disagreements with production led to a darker sound. Hunter also struggled domestically as his wife Diane left him in London while taking their two children back to Shrewsbury (p. 150). On 23 April 1970 Mott taped the first of two John Peel’s Sunday Concert shows for BBC Radio One at London’s Paris Theater on Lower Regent Street (p. 150). The set included “No Wheels to Ride,” “Walkin’ with a Mountain,” and “Wrong Side of the River” introduced as to appear on their next record “Sticky Fingers” (p. 150).

In May 1970 the Brits made their nine-week American debut at Detroit’s Eastown Theatre (p. 151). The band also appeared at the second Atlanta International Pop Festival on 5 July before over 200,00 people (p. 153). They got to know American band Mountain and in 1971 covered their song “Long Red,” and Watts and Ralphs recorded with Mountain’s Leslie West and Corky Laing. Ian did studio work with Mountain’s Felix Pappalardi and Laing in 1978 and appeared on a Mountain LP with Miller Anderson (p. 155).

Mad Shadows was mastered in early June but Island held the release until 25 September when the band returned to the UK to promote it (p. 157). “No Wheels to Ride” had been called “Pale Ale” and “The Coalminer’s Lament” (p. 157). “Walkin’ with a Mountain” has a Stones “Jumpin Jack Flash” reference because Mick Jagger had entered the studio dancing (p. 158) since the Stones were recording in an adjacent studio. Three recordings had been made: “The Hunchback Fish,” “Moonbus,” and “The Wreck of the Liberty Belle” while other cast-offs included “In the Presence of Your Mind,” “Enough is Enough,” Ralphs’ “It Would Be a Pleasure,” Jerry Lee Lewis’ “The Ballad of Billy Joe,” “Going Home,” The Small Faces’ “Tin Soldier” was not recorded, “Wrong Side of the River” was recorded but shelved, and  “Keep A-Knockin’” (p. 161). Mott rehearsed “I’m a River” and a sixteen minute “Can You Sing the Song I Sing” first released as a Griffin edited five-minute version released in 2005 and the sixteen minute version in 2018 (p. 161).

Design was Stevens’ ideas again and the inner gatefold reproduced an 1896 painting by William Strutt “Peace” inspired by the Book of Isiah (p. 163). The album name came from the English translation of a 1959 novel by playwright Marie-Claire Blaise (p. 163).

The LP entered the charts on 17 October 1970 and stayed for two weeks at No. 46 at a time when Black Sabbath’s Paranoid and Pink Floyd’s Atom Heart Mother we’re in the Top Thirty (p. 164). The critics were quite receptive and live Ian had come into his own with a commanding stage presence. Mott identified with, provoked, and assaulted audiences striving for a reaction as some have identified a pre-punk band. Guy struggled with his personal demons, the band played live extensively, and Ian had emerged as the focal point of the band by this point. In retrospect, the LP is self-indulgent, poorly produced, and the band lacked focus and direction since Stevens and Ian were at loggerheads.

The strength of the band was live so at Croydon Fairfield Hall on 13 September 1970 the band recorded a live set with The Who’s equipment (p. 170). The gig turned out to be chaotic thus instead of a live album the only usable piece was “Keep A-Knckin’” which was tacked onto Mott’s third album (p. 170). Steven’s misjudged again from releasing the live tapes from Croydon; however, two shows emerged in 2007 and were released as Fairfield Hall, Live 1970 (p. 171). It may the best recording of the early original Mott lineup. On 10 October 1970 the band debuted on their first UK TV appearance on Disco 2 playing “Walkin’  with a Mountain” and “Rock and Roll Queen” at Lime Grove Studios in Shepherd’s Bush (p. 171). Unfortunately, the tape was erased and just photos survive from the session. Their second John Peel’s Sunday Concert occurred at The Paris Theater on 15 October and aired on the 25th featuring “Ohio” by C,S,N, & Y and Ian’s latest, “The Debt,” once again, the tape does not exist (p. 172).

Tensions had been building between Stevens and the band which came to a head over the mix on Mad Shadows. Phally on organ was so upset and during a playback session he bent the record before Guy and three days later there was a show-down between the two. Stevens wanted Phally out but the band backed him up: Stevens was out as producer on the third album (p. 172-174).

Chapter Six Original Mixed-Up Kids

Mad Shadows was Ian trying to find himself and the next LP, Wildlife, was Ralphs’ turn. They were searching for their sound (p. 175). They had three tracks laying around so Stevens was not out completely but the band really didn’t know how to produce themselves either. “Wrong Side of the River,” the Fairfield live tape “Keep A-Knockin’” and Melanie Safka’s “Lay Down” were left over from Mad Shadows so they had the beginning for the LP for their sessions during November and December 1970 (p. 176) at Island’s Basing Street Studios, later Sam West, and actually at the two studios used by many famous records including those by Led Zeppelin, Black Sabbath, Genesis, Eagles, and Jethro Tull (pp. 176-177).

In December 1970 Ian met in London and began dating Trudi Liguori, an American-Austrian girl from Long Island (p. 176) whom he later married and had a son with, Jesse Paterson. Ian saw Trudi again New York recording with Shadow Morton. She was going to St. John’s University and working as a waitress in Greenwich Village at night. While recording “Midnight Lady” Ian proposed to Trudi outside the gents bog (p. 190).

“Angel of Eighth Avenue” was written at the Mott flat on Stonor Road. Ian’s memory no doubt faded over the years as he has often said but at the time “Angel” sounded much more realistic from a primary source but it was not referred to in Devine’s book. Hunter recalls it was “a true story” (p. 10, “England’s Answer to Grand Funk? Bollocks!” Pete Frame, Zig Zag, September 1971). She was the most beautiful thing he’d ever seen in his life and although from a terrible family she was working in a bank and was very determined. He was drunk at a party and was amazed by her. He recalls seeing a Dr. Zhivago where Omar Sharif looked at a flower and zoom-lensed the flower up to him it was like that amazing beauty (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OQMKkj3NXqc). After three days when he had to come back to New York for just an hour before flying off for the Atlanta Pop Festival and she came across to see him. There was an amazing chemistry. A three week tour intervened and at 5 o’clock in the morning when she was asleep he went over to the window and looked out and he could hear the trash collectors in the early morning going to work. She joined him at the window. In fact he wrote two songs about this girl but the other hasn’t been recorded yet.

“Waterlow” was Mott’s first string arrangement and played by members of The London Symphony Orchestra: originally entitled “Blue Broken Tears.” The tune was about his separation from wife Diane and his two children (pp. 179-80). Ian described the song as “the best thing I ever did” (p. 180). In 1969 Mott appeared on the bill with I Nomadi - Suoni, and in 1971 they released Suoni or “Sounds,” a lift from Ian’s “Waterlow” (pp. 132, 180).  “Original Mixed-Up Kid” finished Hunter’s trio of songs for the record with his new beau, Trudi, contributing the Byron reference: “happiness is born a twin” (pp. 180-81, Cf. https://www.quotes.net/quote/42328).

On 19 January 1971 the band played The Big Brother Club in Greenford, West London and was filmed by ABC of Australia for GTK (Getting to Know) for a four-minute black and white film of live clips and short band interview (p. 184). Not long after, in February, the band was recorded at The Konserthuset in Stockholm (p. 185). The show was taped by local FM radio and circulated on bootleg cassettes and a 1990 pirate CD, Long Red, and then finally legitimately in 1999 with the release of All the Way from Stockholm to Philadelphia (p. 185). The response was muted by the audience and at one point a Hunter jabs sarcastically at the crowd: “oh, you’re very exciting and kind thank you!” (P. 185). Another BBC session was recorded on 8 March at Maida Vale Studios and aired eight days later for Mike Harding’s Sounds of the Seventies radio show (p. 185).

Wildlife was released on 19 March 1971 in a woodland setting on Carlton Bank in the Cleveland Hills overlooking Teesside (p. 185); the inner gatefold photograph was the group on stage at Croyden’s Fairfield Hall. Released on 17 April the LP lasted only two weeks on the charts and no higher than No. 44 (p. 185). The album received some critical acclaim but the band had mixed feelings about their effort themselves. Some outtakes were shelved: Ralphs’ “Black Hills,” and “Surfin’ UK,” plus Ian’s “Growing Man Blues” (p. 187). Ralphs demoed “Can’t Get Enough of Your Love” without the band and held onto it until he left Mott for Bad Company (p. 187).

Bronco opened lives dates at the time and on their Ace of Sunlight LP Hunter and Ralphs played organ and piano while Allen added organ on “Discernible” (p. 187).

From the 11th- 21st of April the band taped “One of the Boys,” “Til I’m Gone,” “Long Red,” “It’ll Be Me,” “Where Do You All Come From,” “Ill Wind Blowing,” “Downtown,” and “The Debt” (p. 188). No single was forthcoming but the band embarked on a six week American tour. In America they worked with Shadow Morton, famous as the wall of sound producer of the Shangri-Las “Leader of the Pack (p. 189). The eventual single was recorded on 12 May at Ultrasonic Recording Studios in Hempstead, Long Island. At the same time Ian had been working on a song called “The Hooker,” then “The Road to Rome,” and the eventual title, “Midnight Lady” (p. 189). The session did not go well since they had been out late drinking. Also, Humble Pie frontman Steve Marriott singing backing vocals (p. 189). Trudi was invited to the session as well where Ian proposed (p. 190). The single was announced in the press incorrectly as “Road to Rome” backed by “The Debt” (p. 191). The track got them their first appearance on BBC-TV’s Top of the Pops (p. 192). Filming on 21st July and once airing the single stopped selling (p. 192). The recording did not escape wiping so the track is lost (p. 192). In April 1771 further BBC sessions included “Whiskey Women” and “Original Mixed-Up Kid” (p. 192) for Disco 2 but the taping did not air. On 6 July they recorded “Midnight Lady,” “Like a Rolling Stone,” and “Angel of Eighth Avenue” for John Peel’s Top Gear radio (p. 192).

Their July 8 appearance at the Royal Albert Hall became one of the band’s landmark performances. The appearance was so chaotic that the periodical Sounds ran the front page headline MOTT BANNED-RAH CRACKS UP (p. 193). The band was banned from the hall thereafter and at subsequent gigs during a time when live shows supported them financially. The live gigs inspired a legion of fans who followed them religiously. Live at BBC’s Paris Theater on 17 July for The Rosko Show was typical (p. 197).

Still struggling for a hit single remained the band’s nemesis. Steven’s proposed Crazy Horse’s “(Come on Baby Let’s Go) Downtown” with Ralpher on lead vocal (p. 198). The tune and Hunter’s “The Debt” were recorded on 21 April 1971. “Downtown” with Ralphs’ “Home” was released as the B side but not in the U.S. Mott filmed their first promotional performance video at Basing Street (p. 198). The challenge was to adopt their stage persona in the studio and they looked forward to cutting an aggressive, energy laden album as the Brain Caper Kids (p. 200).

Chapter Seven Bizarre Damage

In August 1971 the band’s fourth album would be a further attempt to come to terms with their live-studio quandary. The original working title for the record was AC/DC Because the group was filled with songs that were half fast and half slow and they even considered having a rock side and a slow side. During April mostly Hunter songs were readied: “Ill Wind Blowing,” “One of the Boys,” and “Where Do You All Come From,” plus Mountain’s “Long Red,” and Jerry Lee Lewis’ “It’ll Be Me,” along with Ralphs’ “Till I’m Gone” (p. 201). The archives revealed that the band had also captured three strong tracks by themselves two blistering rockers entitled “Mental Train” and “How Long?” along with Hunter’s “The Journey” (p. 202). The latter was a nine-minute epic. They continued to make their mark during live sets at the same time. Back in the studio, along with help from their original mentor, Stevens, the band booked studio time from 19-23 September (p. 204). It was like the old days which was not necessarily a good thing with smashed up offices and a fire in the studio. “Death May Be Your Santa Claus” was the first Hunter-Allen composition matching Hunter’s words with Allen’s riff and chords (p. 208). The title came from an X-rated movie suggested by Stevens and much earlier in the 1920s the American preacher, Reverend J.M. Gates, had used the phrase and he also recorded “Death’s Black Train is Comin’” and “Will the Coffin Be Your Santa Claus?” (P. 209). “The Journey” was about the Hornsby Lane Bridge spanning Archway Road on Highgate Hill which was notorious as a suicide vantage point (p. 211). The rear cover photograph was taken at Steven’s flat (p. 216).

The LP was released on 19 November 1971 along with John Lennon’s Imagine, Led Zeppelin’s IV, and T-Rex’s Electric Warrior. Although in some ways capturing the authentic and sound it was the only band album not to chart in the UK and America (p. 217). Critics were kind to the record and later punks would find inspiration as the album seemed to appreciate their frustration as their music explosion occurred several years later.

Mott played La Taverne de l’Olympia in Paris on 29 September and filmed the appearance for the Pop Deux TV show (p. 218). They toured Britain in October and November but also recorded three tracks on 25 October at Maida Vale Studio No. 5 for their fourth BBC session. “The Journey,” “Darkness, Darkness” and “The Moon Upstairs” were broadcast on Radio One’s Sounds of the Seventies on 4 November (p. 218). The live version of “Moon” covered Hunter’s expletive with a sardonic cough (pp. 218-219). Mott’s fourth and final BBC In Concert recorded on 30 December 1971 at London’s Paris Theater (p. 220). Six tracks from the BBC  collected on a bootleg LP, Sticky Fingers and a CD, Hoopling Furiously (Guy Stevens’ Testament of Rock and Roll Part 1) before an official release, Original Mixed-Up Kids, included BBC tracks and the Paris Theater songs (p. 220).

Studio recordings began in early 1972 with “Movin’ On” on 24 January and ending with “Black Scorpio” on the 27th (p. 220). “Ride on the Sun” was recorded and also under another title (p. 221). Nothing the band could do seemed to alleviate the divisions that had developed between the group, the label, and Stevens (p. 221). Ian suspected that Traffic’s song, “The Low Spark of High-Heeled Boys” and “The percentage you’re paying is too high priced” applied to Mott (p. 222) although songwriting Steve Winwood demurred and was non-committal (p. 223).

In early 1972, an ambitious singer songwriter who had not really been a big hit yet, David Bowie, sent the band a song but Mott didn’t respond (p. 225). The band seemed willing to try almost anything to be successful or at least gain the respect of fellow label mates and their record company.

Their new tour was a different attempt: Mott The Hoople’s Rock and Roll Circus of fifteen gigs in seventeen days supported by label mates Hackensack, knive-throwers, and comedian Max Wall (p. 225). Just before the tour though two Swiss gigs requiring traveling by boat and train for over 18 hours one way for low wages were booked (p. 226). It was a breaking point to play terrible gigs in some awful places and the band fought against one another. It seemed to be the absolute end of the band (p. 226-27). As luck would have it their low point inspired one of Ian’s best songs: “Ballad of Mott The Hoople (26th March 1972, Zurich) and with announced Circus dates the band had a new lease on life.

Chapter Eight Dandy at the Circus

Finally, the band considered Bowie’s offer of “ Suffragette City” when Pete brought the song to Ian for consideration (p. 232). Ian said to politely reject the song because after three failed singles he knew they needed a sure fire hit to break it into the pop charts. Bowie struggled until on The Man Who Sold the World LP he recruited Mick Ronson (p. 235) and impresario Tony Defries. Bowie’s offer included representation and in July 1972 Mott The Hoople signed with MainMan Limited (p. 238). Bowie admired Hunter’s toughness and genuine rock authenticity (p. 241). Bowie offered Mott a new song, “All The Young Dudes” (p. 241) first meeting and wooing Pete with wife Angie and Defries’ vision. In the management offices at 252-260 Regent Street the entire band agreed to meet Bowie and hear “Dudes” (p. 242). Ian recognized that the tune was a hit the moment he heard it (p. 243). The entire band promised to record the song but they had to fulfill the obligations of the Circus tour (p. 243).

On the last night of the Circus tour the Silver Knives of La Vivas (pp. 243, 245) included Ian in their act and understandably he was terrified. Three new songs entered their stage set: “One of the Boys,” “Ballad of Mott The Hoople,” and “Until I’m Gone,” along with “Mr. Bugle Player” (a variation of Dylan’s “Mr. Tambourine Man” and the Stones’ “Honky Tonk Women” (p. 245).

Although right from the start with MainMan the arrangement did not seem permanent since Defries’ sole interest was Bowie the band recorded with David (p. 251). Mott recorded “Dudes” at Olympic Studio No. 2 on 14 May 1972). The first time Mott played the song together was in recording it but when Bowie thought song lagging Ian contributed the spoken ending (p. 252). The ending originated at gigs when an attendee was brought on stage for ‘Heckler’s ten seconds’ and Ian emptied a bottle of beer on their heads (p. 252). The advantage of studio recording with Bowie meant that sessions were controlled and commercial unlike the chaos of Stevens’ production.

Chapter Nine Boogaloo Dudes

With Bowie Mott entered Trident Studios at St. Anne’s Court in SoHo (p. 257). Over twenty sessions Mott re-worked Island tracks “Black Scorpio” and “Ride on the Sun” (p. 258). During these sessions Ian and Ronno bonded as well (p. 259); Ronson did orchestrations in particular on “Sea Diver” (p. 261). Ian praised the production by Bowie as cleaner and clearer than the muggy sound on previous band albums. Bowie’s production style was thinner and it appears as though some of the band’s power was sacrificed as a result. Griffin in particular objected to Bowie’s mixing but he did have his turn at it in a 1996 Sony box set; Ian thought the production “fey” (p. 277).

“Dudes” was issued on 28 July 1972 entering No. 22 in Britain and rode the charts for eleven weeks (p. 262). The band eventually reached number three in the charts and the single became an international top 10 and was the band’s biggest selling album to date (p. 262). A promo video using film from a Bristol Top Rank sound check and concert, mixed in with footage of teenagers and football fans (p. 263). Two “Dudes” Top of the Pops appearances were recorded on the 3rd and 10th of August (p. 263).

BBC Radio One objected to “some dudes” stealing clothes from “Marks and Sparks” which is a slang phrase for a high-street retailer (Marks and Spencer) contravening TV guidelines prohibiting use of product placement (pp. 263-64). Ian re-recorded the tune substituting “unlocked cars” for the offensive phrase. Nonetheless, both versions were eventually played anyway.

“Momma’s Little Jewel” finishes with an abrupt jerk and slur on the master tape and when the cut fades out Ian’s novel ad lib., “I’ve wanted to do this for years,” referenced the band’s craving for a hit record and that “how do you feel, sick?” was slanted against Island Records (p. 267). A rehearsal tape with Bowie singing a guide vocal, was finally mixed in with Ian’s choruses and released as a “Dudes Audiomorph” on a 1998 Sony anthology collection (p. 267)

Part of Ian’s ad-lib was taken from the Billy Cotton Band Show, a lunchtime family variety program on the radio in the ‘50s and ‘60s, featuring the band leader Billy Cotton. One part of the show had an American voice, meant to be an alien in a spaceship, who flew down and said, in “hey you down there, with the glasses,” to Billy Cotton (p. 267).

The LP was released on 8 September 1972 (p. 264) and other songs are notable as well. In some ways the LP really reflects Bowie’s interests at the time since the band was recording songs, such as “Sweet Jane,” although Hunter and Lou Reed did not get along, and the band couldn’t relate to the New York gay scene (pp. 265-66). “Momma’s Little Jewel” was a slower take on an earlier effort at the song, “Black Scorpio” from their Island days (p. 266). Lyrically, it could be about Trudi: nuns, Catholics, Scorpio, for Ian, “there’s probably a bit of her there” (p. 267). “Jerkin’ Crocus” was originally called “Rock House” but adapted by Watts from a Ross-on-Wye tramp, Creepin’ Jesus, but changed it first to Jumping Craparse, then “Jerkin’ Crocus” (p. 269). “One of the Boys” came from the 1971 Island demo but revamped by Bowie adding a rotary telephone effect before rising and falling in volume via the telephone handset (pp. 269-70). “Boys” for some relates to “Can’t Get Enough” although the song was not in Ian’s vocal range and Ralphs receives a writing credit (p. 270).

“Sea Diver” resurrected “Ride on the Sun” from Island but adding Ronson’s orchestration with strings and brass (p. 272).  Hunter laid bear his reflections on the realities of the rock world in the song: the highs and lows; the dramas and dashed hopes; the struggles and strains. The subject matter centered on the trauma and “sweet savage grace“ of songwriting, in conveying a degree of desperation at the apparent emptiness of success, as striving to compose for the band while remaining hooked and driven by rock ‘n’ roll. The song would soon turn out to be a wonderful bridge to the theme that would run through Mott’s next album. Ronno’s arrangement on the song was doubly valuable as it turned out to be the entrée to a lifelong partnership with Hunter. The song is about his frustration of panic about writing and then suddenly writing songs again. Hunter thought of it as a very intense song and even cried about it. He saw himself is not really being successful 20 or 30 years ahead. Ronson charged very little for the string arrangement. Ian wrote the score on a Player’s cigarette packet. Mick may not have even paid for the arrangement. Ian noted that his inspiration was Randy Newman’s arrangement on “I Think It’s Going to Rain Today” (p. 272).

The LP entered the charts 23 September 1972 climbing for four weeks to No. 21 while it reached No. 89 in America’s Billboard (p. 273). While mostly receiving good reviews it was not acclaimed by all critics. Mick Rock designed the cover— A black-and-white shot of a youngster brandishing a cardboard cut out guitar, photographed on a playground on London’s Regent Park estate. “Dude ‘72” of the kid was shelved unfortunately until eventually adopted as a 2003 cover by Third Eye Blind (p. 275). The front cover was a straight lift from a1917 black-and-white ad and dude was suggestive of dandyism and male bonhomie (p. 276).

“It’s Alright” and “Henry and the H-Bomb,” “I Don’t Dig It” three Hunter songs didn’t make the cut but “Henry” was released in a demo version on a 1993 Columbia retrospective. Neither had Allen on them or were completed. Three Allen songs didn’t make it either: “The Black Staff,” “Beside the B-side,” and “Electric Robot.” On 5 July 1972 Stan Tippens recorded three numbers: “So Sad,” “Please Don’t Touch,” and “Shakin’ All Over” (p. 278). Tippens also sang high harmony from backstage live (p. 279).

In September and October the band went on the road to promote the album. They really began to dress up more glam on this tour. They also tried theatrics as well (p. 281). They also had an idea for a past present and future concept which didn’t come off; however, if it did future Clash guitarist Mick Jones would’ve been in the band (p. 281). Watts came up with using Gustav Holst’s “Jupiter” from The Planets (p. 281). The changes didn’t go over entirely well with their original fans as they had changed direction; Jones was one original fan somewhat dismayed as he was part of the initial “Mott Lot” (p. 284). Indicative of the change was the formation of the Mott The Hoople Sea Divers’ fan club (p. 285). Nonetheless, the new membership still included Jones, the Smiths Steven Morrissey, and Benazir Bhutto, later prime Minister of Pakistan, before her assassination in 2007 (p. 286).

On the brink of fame the band was promoted in more than one way. In October 1972 the lads were featured on Bob Harris’s Sound of the Seventies program, however the air versions of the four songs played were simply adjusted album tracks and not a bona fide radio session (p. 286). Island attempted to cash in on their new found commercial success and released a collection of aggressive up-tempo songs as Roc and Roll Queen (p. 286). The cover featured an interesting Marilyn Monroe look-alike (p. 287).

For the next LP, on 18 October, the band spent the day at CBS Studios on London’s Whitfield Street (p. 288). Three demos were recorded—a new Hunter song with the working title,”Honoloochie Boogie,” “Hymn for the Dudes,” from their live act, plus Allen’s autobiographical “Nightmare” (p. 288).

On 28 October 1972 Ian married Trudi Liguori at Brent Registry Office in Wembly, with Colin York from Northampton as best man. Angie Bowie threw a celebratory party afterwards at Gunter Grove attended by the Stooges (p. 289).

A five week American tour at the end of the year began while their top tune “Dudes” ran up to number 37 in the US singles chart (p. 289). This was the tour that became famous because Ian began writing a diary (p. 289). One of the highlights was their first headline US performance at the Tower Theater in Upper Darby Pennsylvania, just west of Philadelphia, introduced and accompanied on two encores by Bowie (p. 290). Nonetheless, the tour was a hit and miss affair with bad sound in Detroit and a hostile audience in Providence, Rhode Island (pp. 290-91). The live gigs focused on the new album although they already “Midnight Lady” and “Sweet Angeline” from their Island catalog, a nine minute encore of the Rolling Stones’ “”Honky Tonk Women” and “Hymn for the Dudes,” which would appear on their next studio LP (p. 291-2). The Tower gig was broadcast on FM radio and pirated as a bootleg LP, Mott The Hoople Live with David Bowie, soon appeared and the tape was later coupled with their February 1971 Swedish radio show as a double CD set entitled All the Way from Stockholm to Philadelphia (p. 292).

After the Philadelphia gig, Hunter met Bowie again in Manhattan on 10 December, and a Bowie song, which he and the Spiders had already recorded, was earmarked as Mott’s next single: “Drive-In Saturday” (p. 292). Mott also was misconstrued in the States with gay hangers-on because of the Bowie connection (p. 292). The Memphis gig was a highlight of Ian‘s diary as the band tried to break into Elvis‘s house Graceland (p. 294). Ian was gently but firmly told to leave by Elvis’s maid Alberta (p. 295). The incident was celebrated in Hunter’s song, “All the Way from Memphis” (p. 296).

Bowie as an inspiration and as a mentor had probably reached its peak as David began to be interested in other things; moreover, the change in the band as a democracy to seeing Ian as the front man had changed the dynamics within the group. Verden and Ian had a falling out as the keyboard player also did not like the Bowie glam tag that had pinned on Mott (p. 299). Allen left after the gig at Sheffield University (p. 299). Sounds’ 10th February 1973 front page headline proclaimed “Mott Shock Allen Quits” (p. 301). Ralphs probably begin to think about leaving the band as well since the Bowie connection had soured him as well. The band would have most likely been totally obscure p without the Bowie connection although it did dramatically change the original hard sound of Mott into a more commercial pop vein.

Chapter Ten Hot Mott

Back on the road as a four piece three songs debuted that would be featured on their next LP: “Drivin’ Sister (Rock ‘n’ Roll),” “Rose,” and “Ballad of Mott The Hoople” (p. 308). Bowie’s “Drive-In Saturday” was offered, although not a Mott type of song and Ian turned it down (pp. 308-09). The stories are conflicted but two accounts that contradict each other is that Bowie refused to give his song or that the band refused it: in either case the song was never recorded by Mott. Ian learned a great deal from Bowie and he was writing his own songs by this point. In addition to the newer songs the band was rehearsing “Did You See Them Run” and “Silver Needles,” tracks that were shelled before reappearing later in more developed form (p. 310).

Mott recorded their new album from early February through April 1973 at 214 Oxford St. at AIR studios (p. 319). Mott had the impression that their LP, simply entitled Mott, was more of a solo effort although Hunter did not see it that way at the time (p. 320). Ian favored a collaboration with Roy Wood of Move, ELO, and Wizard fame, John Lennon, or Mike Leander (Billy Fury, The Small Faces, & Gary Glitter) but these partnerships never happened (p. 321-22). Roxy Music was recording in a neighboring studio as Andy Mackay guested on Ian’s highly regarded “Honoloochie Boogie” (p. 322). Andy and Brian Eno favorably heard Mott in the studio and saved the band money as they produced the record themselves (p. 323).

On 5 May a Sounds headline blared ‘Mott: After Six Months’ Silence: Album, Single’ (p. 326). On the 16th June the single entered the UK charts and stayed for nine weeks, rising to number 12 (p. 327). A Top of the Pops appearance on 8 June promoted the tune along with a rare promotional video (p. 327). Ian said the song was about being on the streets of Northampton, with no money, and then a kid or friend turns you on to rock ‘n’ roll: Freddie “Fingers” Lee (p. 333). The title was just made up and means nothing (p. 327). On the B-side “Rose” was a Hunter song but to balance finances and mollify feelings for the democratically based Mott Ian gave the rest of the band songwriting credit (p. 328).

On July 20, 1973, CBS released Mott, and the record buying public discovered that Hunter and the band had delivered big time (p. 328). “All The Way From Memphis” is a roaring rock song memorializing the infamous Ellis Auditorium gig: originally entitled “Rocker in Sea Sharp (And Bristol Fashion),” featuring Andy Mackay on sax again and Ralphs dueling on guitar (p. 331). The song also was featured in Martin Scorsese’s acclaimed 1974 film, Alice Doesn’t Live Here Anymore (p. 331). “Whizz Kidd” was originally entitled “Catch a Cold” in that Ralphs thought it reminded him of Free’s “Catch a Train” (p. 332). Miller Anderson helped with some chords and he received LP credits (p. 332). “Hymn for the Dudes” referenced Bowie’s Nazz Ziggy Stardust character and a Fifties jive-talking comic-poet Lord Buckley featuring Thunderthighs: Dari Lalou, Casey Synge, and Karen Friedman who had worked on Lou Reed’s “Walk on the Wild Side” as well (pp. 332-33). “Violence” was meant to be a parody but actually it truly reflected some of the frustrations between Ian and Mick and in fact it was the last song that they wrote together (p. 335). An actual row occurred between the two and although Ian apologized things were never quite the same thereafter (p. 336). Within three weeks of release, on the 11th August 1973, Mott entered the British album chart where it remain for 15 weeks. At the same time the Rolling Stones Goats Head Soup, David Bowie’s Pinups, and Roxy Music For Your Pleasure were in the charts, and Mott a strong run, peaking at number seven—Mott’s first top 10 LP. In the US, might hit number 35 and the record was soon voted 1973 album of the year by Rolling Stone while Cream named Mott The Hoople Band of the Year (p. 341).

During June, Mott made two separate appearances on Top of the Pope to promote “Honoloochie Boogie” and flew to Germany to perform their new single plus “Drivin’ Sister” for the Swiss German TV show, Hits a Go-Go. Hunter sang live to the backing tracks in the Seeheim television studio and former Man guitarist Deke Leonard appeared in the background during the filming of the song. Lindsay de Paul also featured on the show and events surrounding the sessions would soon be inextricably linked to Mott’s history. The Top of the Pops performances were wiped but the Hits film of both songs survive (p. 344).

After the Mott LP, Ian wrote two new songs,”Roll Away the Stone,” and “Foxy, Foxy”; however, unusually, Ralphs wanted to talk to producer Bill Price as well (p. 345). The 12th May edition of Melody Maker advertised anonymously for an organist and a pianist: from auditions: the group recruited Morgan Fisher and Mick Bolton to augment their lineup for concert performance, but they were not taken on as full band members (p. 345). Fisher recorded overdubs for “Stone” with Howie Casey on sax and Thunderthighs on backing vocals. It would be Ralphs’ last recording with the group (p. 346).

Just on the brink of a huge US tour, on 21 July, the New Musical Express announced, ‘Mott on the brink: a smash album and maybe a lineup change?” (p. 347). The group included an ABC In Concert television appearance in New York (p. 347). Ralphs decided to leave over the new success and direction of Mott (pp. 350-51). In September the group had a slot on Top of the Pops for their second single release, “Memphis,” and the band had a new guitarist. Ralphs’ farewell band performance was the 19th August concert in Washington DC (p. 351).

Hunter and Ralphs did agree that Mott were against convention but the band had significantly changed direction (pp. 352-53). Once Ralphs joined Bad Company three Mott compositions were released on their first LP: “Can’t Get Enough,” “Move On,” and “Ready for Love” (p. 354).

Chapter 11 Fragments of Madness

How do you find a lead guitarist in 14 days? That was the problem once rows left the band (p. 359). Mott was to play the Hollywood Palladium and that in fact is when I first saw the Hoople (p. 360). Ronson was invited by Hunter behind the scenes but Mick was recording his first solo album and there were too many differences between the separate managements to pull it off (p. 360). Numerous names were mentioned but the band felt as though they should go with a Brit. They looked for someone who was reasonably good and to do the gigs and it turned out to be Luther Grosvenor who they knew from the Island days and Spooky Tooth (p. 361). Lynsey de Paul had nicknamed Luther—Ariel Bender—after he had done just that to parked cars. Hunter broke the news to him and he loved the name and when they played the Palladium Ian said he went down great and he’s crazy and colorful (p. 362).

On 31 August “Memphis” was released as a single and it entered the UK charts on the 8th of September and stayed for eight weeks reaching No.10, battling against the Rolling Stones, David Essex, and Wizzard (p. 363). Hunter had opposed the single’s release thinking that it was an album track but actually it went higher in the charts than previous efforts; Ian said sometimes he is not the best judge of his work (p. 364). A Top of the Pops appearance featured Andy Mackay on baritone sax promoting “Memphis” at the BBC on 3 September (p. 364).

The band flew to Los Angeles and were featured on America’s rock show The Midnight Special, filmed in front of a live audience at NBC TV studios in Burbank. For three days the band also rehearsed at L.A.’s Aquarius theater on Sunset Boulevard and appeared on Don Kirshner‘s Rock Concert performing “Drivin’ Sister,” “All The Young Dudes,” “All the Way From Memphis,” and “Sweet Angeline” (p. 366).

Mott’s U.S. tour opened on 14 September at the Hollywood Palladium and although people were shouting I don’t know what they were shouting. It is said that people were shouting for Ralphs (p. 366). There was an opening local band called Orphan and I don’t remember much about them at all. A good friend of the group, Joe Walsh, opened with his band Barnstorm and it was a pleasant set. Blue Öyster Cult rocked and they featured a point where all the guitarists came to the front of the stage and I don’t know who influenced whom but I have seen the Rant Band do something similar. Loud and larger than life their new guitarist was a daredevil bringing his flashy persona to bear on the act. With manic solos and rushing across the stage he appeared to try and steal the center spotlight from Hunter. With active showmanship Ian would grab Bender, still playing, to the floor while they played up disagreements for the publicity (pp. 367-68).

Holiday Inn provided press coverage when the boys got out of hand and Hunter ended up in an Indianapolis city jail: at least he got a song out of it later on entitled “Just Another Night” (p. 369). The promoters lost $10,000 from the gig and Hunter was outraged and got mouthy but he was handcuffed by a guy who turned out to be an off duty sergeant who sent him straight to jail (p. 369-70).

“Roll Away the Stone” sold three times as many as “Dudes,” the Hollies wanted it also, and Ian alluded to a ‘50s tune (p. 372). The spoken boy-girl section in the middle of the song was a nod to a 1957 “Rockabilly Party” tune by Hugo and Luigi (p. 372). The song entered the UK chart on 24 November and stayed for 12 weeks reaching number eight, earning a silver disc for the group. Ralphs was on both sides of the single. On 14 November the band appeared on Top of the Pops featuring Ralphs and Thunderthighs (p. 372-73). Ian wrote three consecutive hit singles and a top 10 album but he made a huge mistake by thinking he had cracked the formula and secret for writing a hit song. Once he had opened his mouth he lost the formula. He stopped thinking later about hits and simply got into the music (pp. 372-73). “Where Do You All Come From” Written by the end but credited to the band so that the publishing proceeds could be shared. It was recorded totally live, loose, and in one take as simply a nod to the group’s fans (p. 373).

Several recordings are notable. On 11 November, 30 US radio stations broadcast the Pioneer Concert featuring Mott The Hoople, “recorded at San Francisco Winterland” but the music was not live and had been arranged by Pioneer (p. 374). Once back in the UK a new band called Queen supported the group (p. 375). Mott mimed “Stone” at BBC TV’s Top of the Pops on 14th November with Ian fluffing the lines and Griffin playing with oversized drum sticks (p. 376). London’s Hammersmith Odeon gigs were recorded (pp. 378, 380) with a planned 1974 release. The gig was also notable for the surprise announcement of Griffin‘s marriage to Paula Greaves, a topless model and former girlfriend of Verden Allen. Mick Bolton left the group at the end of the British tour while Morgan Fisher became a full band member (p. 380).

Hunter became the sole musical force since the reconstituted band were not collaborators or writers. Hunter had ideas for six songs, a more aggressive record, and the original idea was a loose concept album title Weekend, about a group of British kids and their experiences and life style (p. 380). By the end of December, the groups new record was to be called the Bash Street Kids after a long running cartoon strip from the Beano, one of Britain’s most famous comics that contained stories with an anti-authority theme (p. 381). Instead, The title song was changed to “Crash Street Kids,” The album concept with shelves, and The Hoople was born (p. 381).

A new Hunter demo was recorded “The Golden Age of Rock ‘n’ Roll” (p. 381) before Advision Studios on Gosfield Street in London’s West End for The Hoople (p. 382). Prime Minister Ted Heath was the focus of Ian’s frustration with Britain of the time during the recording. During the early sessions a live recording christened The Advision Jam recorded A medley of Jerry Lee Lewis, Hank Williams, and Ray Charles standards (p. 383). Dan Loggins, their manager, was featured on lead vocals with Hunter on drums. Andy Mackay helped out on tenor and baritone sax while tenor sax player Howie Casey also contributed. Howie was not keen on Andy’s playing so the Roxy sax man was listed as Rockin’ Jock McPherson (pp. 383-84). Although he had left the band Ralphs also attended sessions and he appeared on two tracks (p. 384). Backing vocalists Barry St. John, Sue Glover, and Sunny Leslie replaced Thunderthighs (p. 384). Morgan and Luther were featured for the first time but as the record evolved it became more of a keyboard dominated effort (p. 384). Ariel was limited creatively and in the studio although he was popular live and a good showman (384-85).

On 15 March 1974 CBS released the opening track as a new single “The Golden Age of Rock ‘n’ Roll” (p. 386). The reference in the song to “96 decimal freaks“ was a reference to restrictions on the volume running through Britain at the time. Hunter thought it was all ridiculous because now is the time, the 1970s, to celebrate (p. 386-87). Dan Loggins did the Alan Freed American style DJ voiceover (p. 387). The tune entered the UK singles chart on 30 March and stayed for seven weeks reaching number 16, the single hit number 96 on Billboard, and in the top 10 in Switzerland (p. 388).

The band performed, on 2 March, “Stone” for Germany’s TV show, Disco. The group also appeared on Top of the Pops in March and April to promote their single, “Golden Age” (p. 388). The latter also produced a video filmed in Wembley, Lee International’s Film Studios, once again by Richard Weaver (p. 388). The B-side was ”Rest in Peace,” written by Hunter, but co-credited to Watts and Griffin. The track was not on the forthcoming LP, having been recorded live without any overdubbing (p. 388-89).

Fill-in

The Hoople LP was issued on 22 March 1974 and was certified gold in Britain and America before its release (p. 389); all the songs were composed by Hunter, apart from “Born Late ‘58” by Watts. This tune and “I’m a Cadillac” are the only two numbers recorded without Ian (pp. 394-95). “Trudi’s Song” is a lovely tune although Griffin thought it was solo material and should not have been on the record (p. 396).

Fill in

Palace theater in Waterbury, Connecticut on fourth of May the band played “Alice” for the first and only time in concert (p. 418). The band broke new ground and rock music history from the 7th-11 May 1974, when the group played at the recently opened your Uris Theater located on W. 51st St., between Broadway and eighth Avenue in midtown Manhattan. The band became the first ever rock band to enjoy and play live on Broadway p. 418. The second and third dates, played on eighth and ninth May were recorded using the record plant mobile studio after Columbia records they deal with the king biscuit flower hour. The Broadway recordings would be heavily edited and merge with the band’s 1973 Hammersmith Odeon tapes to create a truncated live LP pp. 418-19. New York’s Pickwick puppet theater introduced theatrical figures with five life-sized marionettes descending on the stage, and smaller figures were worked around the stage (p. 420). Although extravagant and showy the management and record company didn’t think to film or record any of these unique performances. Roger Ruskin Spear of the Bonzo Dog Doo-Dah Band assisted (p. 421). Led Zeppelin showed up but the band refused to let them on since it was their moment leading to scuffles breaking out in and around the stage (pp. 422-23).

Queen’s LP, sheer heart attack reflected on queen experiences in America and a nod to Mott in their song entitled now I’m here and became queen’s 2nd Top Twenty 20 single (p. 427).

The bands sixth single, foxy foxy, was released in the UK on 7 June 1974 back with you song credit seems like it with a single receiver limited radio airplay in the group was acutely disappointed with the eventual sales figures. Entering the British charts on 22 June foxy foxy only stayed for five weeks and peaked at number 33 (p. 429).

Ian was interviewed about his diary by Bob Harris for an 11 minute or grey whistle test film that was broadcast on BBC television on 25 June (p. 430).

In August, the band appeared on the Dutch TV program average top option to promote a flagging foxy foxy. The band had been in the studio working on some new tracks including three blind mice, one fine day, and cold water high, the latter being a strong contender for a single in hunters view. Griffin claimed he played it with Fisher and Watts to get the band record “Sunset Summer Nights” and as a result Ian played “The Saturday Kids” (pp. 434-35).

On 14 September desk Magazine reported that Luther was to leave and sounds Magazine reported the same (p. 435).

Chapter Thirteen Play Don’t Worry

In September 1974 bender left the group and there was an attempt to obtain the services of Mick Ronson page 439. Bronson had a second album, please don’t worry, ready for a lease but he agreed to hold it back with the deal meaning he would feature some songs on stage with the band, share vocals with Hunter and remain under contract main man and RCA. It look like it was a deal with Bronson’s playing, production, arrangements skills, stage presence and looks: the supreme sideman page 440. On play don’t worry Ronno covered Little Richard’s that girl can’t help it featuring Hunter and the microns on backing vocals (p. 450).

Chapter 14 Marionette

The new guitarist seemed ideal and the group moved into AIR No. 2 Studio to work on a single. “Saturday Gigs” and “Lounge Lizard” were recorded, the latter song the only one arising with Ronson on guitar. Griffin was incensed that the latter song was shelved and instead for the B-side of the single call together a horribly edited live medley (pp. 454-55). “Saturday” entered the UK singles chart at number 47, two weeks after release, and the band recorded a promotional top of the pops appearance in anticipation of another high flying hit. The tune only stayed in the charts for three weeks peaking at number 41, the band’s lowest CBS single. The BBC film never aired (p. 456).

Mott on film is sparse but surviving clips comprise German 1970 beach club performances at the crossroads and you really got me, live 1971 French TV tracks the moon upstairs, walking with the mountain, rock ‘n’ roll queen, and keep it knocked on and down person is rock concert from 1973 sweet Angeline, all the young dudes, all the way from Memphis, and drive and sister. The top of the pops archive only holds appearances and rollaway the stone and the golden age of rock ‘n’ roll, and European TV film remains in Honolulu she bogey and drive and sister from top pop and rollaway the stone from disco. March promo videos of downtown, I’ll the young dudes, Hannah Lucci boogie in the golden age of rock ‘n’ roll also survive. White film includes seven top of the pops performances at midnight lady, all the young dudes, Hana Lucci boogie, all the way from Memphis, and second takes a roll away the stone, and the golden age of rock ‘n’ roll. The German disco performance of foxy foxy, 1970 BBC disco two TV films plus they never broadcast Saturday gigs are also lost (p. 457).

Mott’s live set included the two new singles, Ronson’s “Angel No. 9,” and “The Girl Can’t Help It.”  Ronson also added an interesting portion of Hendrix’s “Voodoo Child” to “Born Late ‘58.” They amended their walk on introduction to include Bryan Johnson’s “Looking High, High, High,” a 1960 top 20 hit and written Eurovision song contest entry from that year (p. 458).

The group didn’t seem to click together and it appeared more of a Hunter-Ronson collaboration with a backing band. Mott the Hoople Live was finally issued on 1 November 1974 (p. 460). The album entered the UK charts on 23 November, staying for two weeks and reaching number 32. In the US, the LP climbed to number 23 (p. 462). Bender’s solo on “Walkin’ with a Mountain” was cut but eventually released on the 30th Anniversary expanded two CD set on Sony (p. 463).

The band was really at an end but on 5 November Ronson appeared in a pre-recorded BBC TV interview on the Old Grey Whistle Test and he seemed optimistic about recording the group’s next album. The working title for the LP was Showtime, sessions were booked at a studio, even though Hunter did not have enough new material (p. 466).

Hunter had collapsed while staying at his publicist’s home; Ian had been taken to nearby Morristown Memorial Hospital in Morris County where he was diagnosed as suffering from physical exhaustion and was kept under sedation for five days and complete rest (p. 467). The band was done.

The reformed post Hunter band lyrically pointed at Hunter in the songs “I Can Show You How It Is,” and “Shout It All Out” (p. 480).

Marcus Tullius Cicero. How to think about God: an ancient guide for believers and nonbelievers

Marcus Tullius Cicero. How to think about God: an ancient guide for believers and nonbelievers 

Galen’s treatise ‘De indolentia’ in context. A tale of resilience

A tale of resilience

Language and authority in De lingua Latina: Varro’s guide to being Roman

Varro’s guide to being Roman

Cicero: making of a Roman classic

making of a Roman classic

Joining the Dots. Plato’s Atlantis in the Central Mediterranean

Plato’s Atlantis in the Central Mediterranean

Antiques uchronies: quand les Grecs et Romains imaginent des histoires alternatives

quand les Grecs et Romains imaginent des histoires alternatives

Critics, compilers, and commentators: an introduction to Roman philology, 200 BCE-800 CE

an introduction to Roman philology, 200 BCE-800 CE

Material approaches to Roman magic: occult objects and supernatural substances

occult objects and supernatural substances

Terence: the girl from Andros

the girl from Andros

Women, children and the family in Palmyra

Palmyrene studies

What makes Emperor Marcus Aurelius so great?

What-makes-Emperor-Marcus-Aurelius-so-great

Mortal and divine in early Greek epistemology: a study of Hesiod, Xenophanes, and Parmenides

a study of Hesiod, Xenophanes, and Parmenides

Galien de Pergame ou la rhétorique de la Providence: médecine, littérature et pouvoir à Rome

médecine, littérature et pouvoir à Rome

Daily Life in Ancient Rome. A Sourcebook

Sourcebook

How did the economy of Ancient Rome work?

How-did-the-economy-of-Ancient-Rome-work

Graphic Signs of Authority in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

Garipzanov, Ildar. Graphic Signs of Authority in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, 300-900. Oxford Studies in Medieval European History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018. Pp. xxvi, 377. $105.00. ISBN: 978-0-19-881501-3.
 
   Reviewed by Benjamin Anderson
        Cornell University
        bwa32@cornell.edu
 
 
This is a useful and stimulating book. Its primary utility lies in its collection and analysis of various late antique and early medieval visual constructions that fall somewhere between text and image: monograms above all, but also Christograms, hermetic symbols, composite initials, carmina figurata, even "the sign of the cross." Its greatest provocation is to comprehend these various types of construction, for all their evident differences, within a single history of "graphicacy"; and to assert the relevance of the resulting account to long-term political change.
 
The volume divides neatly into three main parts of around a hundred pages each. The organization is clear and the prose effortless, so that the book can be read comfortably in three sittings. Those who consult only a single sub-section (say, for a refresher on Carolingian monograms) will be well served, but will miss the reward of comparing and juxtaposing a variety of phenomena usually held apart. 
 
The introduction is dedicated to the definition of terms, and to brief accounts of methodologies of potential use (from Gestalt psychology to visual studies). The terms recur in the following investigation, but with little reference to the methodologies. While, for example, the distinction between "sensory and arbitrary codes of graphic composition" (6) is helpful in sorting through the material presented in the following chapters, the work of distinguishing one from the other is left to the reader.
 
The first part addresses sacred signs in late antiquity: the various Christograms, of which the chi-rho and tau-rho become most common, and the hermetic signs of esoteric literature. Church fathers praised the former and damned the latter, even while "the borders between acceptable and deviant" characters were fuzzy (47). The Christograms gained further prominence as imperial insignia, each with their own trajectory: "the chi-rho assuming a more prominent position than the tau-rho, and the sign of the cross becoming increasingly important at the turn of the fifth century" (75). The "sign of the cross" is (unlike the Christograms and hermetic signs) certainly a picture of something (the connection to its referent is sensory, not arbitrary). However, through its ubiquity it too becomes a graphic sign: as when, "in the early sixth century, the cruciform design influenced the structure of late antique monograms" (96).
 
Late antique monograms form the topic of part two. The monogram has a long history in Greco-Roman antiquity, but becomes increasingly common from the third through the fifth centuries, appearing in codices, on gems, funerary epitaphs, and fancy plate. In the mid-fifth, the emperor's monogram debuts on coinage, while sundry officials stamp out their own domains: the consuls on ivory diptychs, "various comites" on weights and measures (139), and the "unknown individuals" whose names are encoded in brickstamps (141). From here it is a short step to personal monograms on the rings and seals, dress accessories, and spoon-sets of the well-heeled. Smaller, domestic monograms coexist with monumental, public signs in stone. Garipzanov's discussion of the sixth-century churches of Constantinople leans heavily on the old tale of rivalry between Anicia Juliana and Justinian. His analysis of the spatial distribution of stone-carved monograms in SS. Sergios and Bakchos and Hagia Sophia, by contrast, results in intriguing hypotheses about the building phases and functional organizations of both (167-186).
 
Part three moves into early medieval Europe. A survey of pre-Carolingian monograms notes a rise in corporate referents, both monasteries and cities, on lamps, vessels, and coins (212-216). But mostly this is a story about manuscripts. Thus, composite initials in Insular codices (LIBer generationis, etc.) are treated as "artistic forms of monogrammatic lettering" (237). Together with the cruciform impresa of Charles, they lead a "monogrammatic revival in the Carolingian world" (242). As in late antiquity there is a trickle-down. Popes and bishops follow royal suit, then scribes writing both about themselves and about other things, such as plants: "The Frankish Dioscorides lacks late antique illustrations, but provides some chapters with peculiar monogrammatic devices visualizing the name of an entry's medical material" (273). The monogram becomes a topic of learned discourse in a treatise De inventione litterarum, which dates perhaps to the 790s (282). Cruciform monograms contribute to "the ubiquitous presence of [the cross's] sign across different media, accompanied by a drastic decrease in the symbolic use of late antique christograms" (292-293). A final sojourn through the carmina figurata leads to "the conclusion that the sign of the cross had become the ultimate organizing principle of Carolingian graphicacy" (311).
 
The foregoing is less a summary than a sondage, meant to convey the diversity and interest of the topics covered. Readers seeking a precis will be well served by Garipzanov's conclusion (313-319). Upon this follows a strong claim: "The urban settings of political life, the wide-ranging reach of imperial institutions, and cosmopolitan aristocratic networks of symbolic interaction facilitated the public display of graphic signs of authority on various material media across the late antique world. In contrast, royal courts and palaces as well as episcopal headquarters and royal monasteries defined the new socio-political settings established in Western Europe by the Carolingian period.... It was the book that became the symbolic arena for...signs of authority" (319).
 
The twin trajectories of city to court, building to book work well to describe the Frankish developments. Garipzanov also keeps an eye on Constantinople, primarily as a source of specific forms (e.g., at 282), but does not attempt a comparable summary of the evidence for east Rome. I suspect the picture would be different. Monumental, public monograms appear regularly in the churches and fortifications of Constantinople and western Asia Minor ca. 600-900, for example: capitals bearing monograms of Phokas (r. 602-611, mentioned by Garipzanov at 185); the monogram of the first reign of Justinian II (685-695) on the land walls of Constantinople; the monogram of the abbot Hyakinthos in his Nicaean monastery (186); the monogram of Constantine V (741-775) in Hagia Eirene (180); the monograms of Theophilos (829-842) and Michael III (842-867) on the "beautiful doors" of Hagia Sophia (290); and the monogrammatic inscription on the mosaic portrait of the unfortunate Alexander (912-913) in the same church. Why did the public monogram persist in Byzantium, why not in Francia?
 
The concepts of public and private engage different scales and differing access, but also distinctions in decipherability. This latter forms a fascinating thread throughout the book. It is an accepted principle of historical research that "even a limited combination of letters cans be interpreted in many ways and connected with both common and rare names" (16). This is a fundamental difference between the Christograms on the one hand, whose meaning was then and is now transparent, and the many personal monograms on the other, whose referents are as obscure now as they were to most viewers then. How to interpret that obscurity? Garipzanov supplies a variety of potential answers in relation to specific cases. For example: monograms might render names legible to God while hiding them from enemies (125); they could elicit contemplation of the visual forms of letters (128); and they "increased social cohesion by establishing visual borders to outsiders" (133). 
 
The range of these answers is as stimulating as the specific arguments for each. It bridges the gap between the antiquarian game of decipherment (there will always be sport in the monogram that "remains an enigma," 262) and the study of political semiotics: how the production of meaning supports or subverts the reproduction of institutions. That is a consequential achievement that deserves both to be praised and to provoke new investigations.

Decoration and display in Rome’s imperial thermae: messages of power and their popular reception at the Baths of Caracalla

messages of power and their popular reception at the Baths of Caracalla