Burning America: Did the CIA Take Down Tricky Dick?

 

The CIA Took Down Nixon Because He Wanted to Know Who Killed Kennedy, Woodward was Intel Plant.

One of the strangest comments I noted when reviewing the Watergate proceedings is Nixon’s off-hand comment about the JFK assassination, Oswald, and Cuba. He didn’t delve into it deeply at the time but what would Watergate have to do with the assassination? Now that we know how underhanded D.C. power is we have a better historical understanding of those mysterious events of 22 November 1963. The American public has had reservations about the investigation since that tragic day. 

Photo by Chris Henry on Unsplash

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When people nobody voted for run everything, you are not living in a free country.

Listen to the hammer drop on the “permanent Deep State.” The CIA was actually behind Richard Nixon’s ouster over Watergate by a former intel operative named Bob Woodward who came directly from the classified areas of the federal government.

Photo by Austin Chan on Unsplash

History is not taught in America anymore and schools favor social science to get people in line with the message of the regime. The most popular president in American history, who is presented as the poster child of corruption, was Richard Nixon. Yet, without a single vote cast by any American voter, Nixon was kicked out of office only to be replaced by the only unelected president in our history. Americans are expected to believe that the most popular president ever was a criminal. 

Photo by History in HD on Unsplash

Certainly since those days Nixon is said to be universally despised but he actually was the people’s choice. He was re-elected in 1972 by the largest margin of the popular vote ever recorded before or since with 17 million more votes than his opponent; yet, less than two years later he was forced to resign in favor of an obedient toady who sat on the Warren Commission. 

Photo by Arno Senoner on Unsplash

Richard Nixon believed that elements in the federal bureaucracy were working to undermine the American system of government and had been doing that for a long time. He often said that. He was absolutely right. On June 23, 1972, Nixon met with the then–CIA director, Richard Helms, at the White House. During the conversation, which thankfully was tape-recorded, Nixon suggested he knew “who shot John,” meaning President John F. Kennedy. 

Photo by Markus Winkler on Unsplash

Even using the familiar form of address as JFK’S name, “John,” rather than the standard reference of JFK is what alerted me to the idea that Nixon was onto something of import. In these contentious times people often forget that despite their significant political differences and as rivals in the 1960 election Nixon and Kennedy were actually close friends and intimates. 

Photo by Tyler Clemmensen on Unsplash

In any case, Nixon implied that the CIA was directly involved in Kennedy’s assassination, which we now know it was. Helms’s telling response? Total silence, but for Nixon, it didn’t matter because it was already over. Four days before, on June 19, The Washington Post had published the first of many stories about a break-in at the Watergate office building.

Photo by Matt Popovich on Unsplash

Unbeknownst to Nixon and unreported by The Washington Post, four of the five burglars worked for the CIA. The first of many dishonest Watergate stories was written by a 29-year-old metro reporter called Bob Woodward. Who exactly was Bob Woodward? Well, he wasn’t just a journalist as he has been acclaimed since Watergate. Bob Woodward had limited experience in the news business. Instead, Bob Woodward came directly from the classified areas of the federal government. Shortly before Watergate, Woodward was a naval officer at the Pentagon.

Photo by Luemen Rutkowski on Unsplash

Woodward’s journalist career was strange. Woodward applied for a job as a reporter for The Washington Post. Harry M. Rosenfeld, the Post's metropolitan editor, gave him a two-week trial but did not hire him because of his lack of journalistic experience. After a year at the Montgomery Sentinel, a weekly newspaper in the Washington, D.C., suburbs, Woodward was hired as a Post reporter in 1971.

Photo by Ashni on Unsplash

Woodward had a top-secret clearance and although a so-called journalist for only a year at a minor outlet, Woodward was hired by the most powerful news outlet in Washington and assigned the biggest story in the country. 

Just to make it crystal clear what was actually happening, Woodward’s main source for his Watergate series was the deputy director of the FBI, Mark Felt, years later revealed as “Deep Throat,” and Felt ran — and this is confirmed — the FBI’s COINTELPRO program, which was designed to secretly discredit political actors, the federal agencies wanted to destroy — people like Richard Nixon. And at the same time, those same agencies were also working to take down Nixon’s elected vice president, Spiro Agnew. In the fall of 1973, Agnew was indicted for tax evasion and forced to resign. His replacement was a colorless congressman from Grand Rapids called Gerald Ford.

Photo by David Len on Unsplash

What was Ford’s qualification for the job? Well, he had served on the Warren Commission, which absolved the CIA of responsibility for President Kennedy’s murder. Nixon was strong-armed into accepting Gerald Ford by Democrats in Congress. “We gave Nixon no choice but Ford,” Speaker of the House Carl Albert later boasted. Eight months later, Gerald Ford of the Warren Commission was the president of the United States. These are facts, and not speculation. All of that actually happened. None of it is secret. Permanent Washington remains in charge of our political system.

Photo by Library of Congress on Unsplash

Barack Obama confirmed how Deep State D.C. runs our government. Obama violated the Constitutional transfer of power from a duly elected president as he feared President Trump would have the nuclear codes; even after the President left office D.C. raided Mar-a-Lago on yet another trumped up charge. 

Photo by Shiona Das on Unsplash

In 2017 White House press secretary Josh Earnest spoke of the confidence the outgoing Obama has in the career, non-political members of the intelligence community, military and State Department who are “ultimately responsible for implementing policies.” “The president (Obama) has confidence that those patriots, those American men and women, will continue to do their important work with enormous skill and expertise and patriotism to protect the country,” Earnest said (https://www.politico.com/story/2017/01/donald-trump-nuclear-barack-obama-concerns-233143). 

Photo by Library of Congress on Unsplash

The perversion of our Constitutional process by Obama is alarming. Obama considers unelected bureaucrats as patriots by thwarting the will of the American people. Unelected lifers in federal agencies make the biggest decisions in American government and crush anyone who tries to rein them in and in the process, our democracy becomes a sham. 

Photo by Anthony Garand on Unsplash

The very first person in the Trump administration the agencies went after was Gen. Michael Flynn. Why Flynn? Because Mike Flynn was a career Army intel officer who ran the Defense Intelligence Agency. In other words, Mike Flynn knew exactly how the system worked, and as a result, he was capable of fighting back. Four days after Donald Trump’s inauguration, the FBI lured Mike Flynn into a meeting without his lawyer, concocted a series of fake crimes and forced him to resign.

Photo by Dave Lowe on Unsplash

The Deep State is real and opposes the will of the people and the Constitutional Republic upon which we stand, or fall.

Photo by Crystal Huff on Unsplash

Burning America: In the Best Interest of the Company? Introduction

 

Introduction

Here is where I want you to get excited about my teaching and everything you are about to learn from this book.

 

Imagine this introduction chapter as the start of a discovery call with a potential associate where it dawns on you that your life is about to get much better. 

 

I will share who I am, we can develop rapport, and we can provide the foundation of trust.

Ideas for how to achieve that:

• I want to share stories that sum up why I am able to help people the way that I do. As a life-long rebel I have managed to accomplish company goals without losing my soul. 
• ​I will discuss what I want to help you the reader accomplish through this book and the solution it offers.
  
• ​If someone opened my book and just read one part, I would have at least one takeaway that I'd want you to get from it. You make choices about your work life and I'm urging you to find your passion and pursue that.

Preface to Burning America: In the Best Interest of the Country?

In recent times, astute observers of American society have noticed a profound transformation taking place within our government institutions, corporations, universities, and cultural landscape. It has become increasingly evident that certain changes have taken hold, with implications that cannot be ignored.  We come across reports detailing the introduction of gender ideology in our schools, where young children are subjected to its influence. It is distressingly common to witness acts of violence, rioting, and looting on the streets of our major cities. Moreover, the economic stability of the American middle class appears to be on a perpetual decline. Meanwhile, the institutions tasked with safeguarding our rights, such as federal law enforcement agencies, have become deeply entangled in political agendas.  Clearly, there exists a ruling class that governs our nation guided by an ideology that poses a threat to the well-being of ordinary, hard working Americans. To protect our cherished liberties from these radical ideologies, it becomes imperative to comprehend how these ideas emerged and spread over the past few decades, often in stark contrast to traditional American values and objectives. This undertaking serves as a means of reaching out to those who seek to understand the current state of their nation, to engage with the notion of a fading American citizenship.  Within the following pages, we will delve into a range of topics that shed light on this phenomenon:  The distinctions between the mid-century liberals and the radical elements that emerged in opposition to them. An exploration of how the post-sixties radicals ascended to positions of power within government bureaucracies and educational institutions. A close examination of the principles of neoliberalism, which emerged in the late 1970s, and the ways in which these ideas transformed the moral and economic fabric of America. An exploration of the underlying factors that led to what has been referred to as "The Great Awokening" during Barack Obama's second term, along with an examination of the ways in which the political and business elites embraced the cultural Left. By delving into these subjects, we aim to equip readers with a comprehensive understanding of the historical roots and contemporary manifestations of the ideologies that currently shape our nation. It is through this understanding that we can hope to navigate the complex terrain and preserve the fundamental principles that lie at the heart of our American identity. Preface  In recent times, astute observers of American society have noticed a profound transformation taking place within our government institutions, corporations, universities, and cultural landscape. It has become increasingly evident that certain changes have taken hold, with implications that cannot be ignored.  We come across reports detailing the introduction of gender ideology in our schools, where young children are subjected to its influence. It is distressingly common to witness acts of violence, rioting, and looting on the streets of our major cities. Moreover, the economic stability of the American middle class appears to be on a perpetual decline. Meanwhile, the institutions tasked with safeguarding our rights, such as federal law enforcement agencies, have become deeply entangled in political agendas.  Clearly, there exists a ruling class that governs our nation guided by an ideology that poses a threat to the well-being of ordinary, hardworking Americans. To protect our cherished liberties from these radical ideologies, it becomes imperative to comprehend how these ideas emerged and spread over the past few decades, often in stark contrast to traditional American values and objectives. This undertaking serves as a means of reaching out to those who seek to understand the current state of their nation, to engage with the notion of a fading American citizenship.  Within the following pages, we will delve into a range of topics that shed light on this phenomenon:  The distinctions between the mid-century liberals and the radical elements that emerged in opposition to them. An exploration of how the post-sixties radicals ascended to positions of power within government bureaucracies and educational institutions. A close examination of the principles of neoliberalism, which emerged in the late 1970s, and the ways in which these ideas transformed the moral and economic fabric of America. An exploration of the underlying factors that led to what has been referred to as "The Great Awokening" during Barack Obama's second term, along with an examination of the ways in which the political and business elites embraced the cultural Left. By delving into these subjects, we aim to equip readers with a comprehensive understanding of the historical roots and contemporary manifestations of the ideologies that currently shape our nation. It is through this understanding that we can hope to navigate the complex terrain and preserve the fundamental principles that lie at the heart of our American identity.

In recent times, astute observers of American society have noticed a profound transformation taking place within our government institutions, corporations, universities, and cultural landscape. It has become increasingly evident that certain changes have taken hold, with implications that cannot be ignored.  We come across reports detailing the introduction of gender ideology in our schools, where young children are subjected to its influence. It is distressingly common to witness acts of violence, rioting, and looting on the streets of our major cities. Moreover, the economic stability of the American middle class appears to be on a perpetual decline. Meanwhile, the institutions tasked with safeguarding our rights, such as federal law enforcement agencies, have become deeply entangled in political agendas.  Clearly, there exists a ruling class that governs our nation guided by an ideology that poses a threat to the well-being of ordinary, hard working Americans. To protect our cherished liberties from these radical ideologies, it becomes imperative to comprehend how these ideas emerged and spread over the past few decades, often in stark contrast to traditional American values and objectives. This undertaking serves as a means of reaching out to those who seek to understand the current state of their nation, to engage with the notion of a fading American citizenship.  Within the following pages, we will delve into a range of topics that shed light on this phenomenon:  The distinctions between the mid-century liberals and the radical elements that emerged in opposition to them. An exploration of how the post-sixties radicals ascended to positions of power within government bureaucracies and educational institutions. A close examination of the principles of neoliberalism, which emerged in the late 1970s, and the ways in which these ideas transformed the moral and economic fabric of America. An exploration of the underlying factors that led to what has been referred to as "The Great Awokening" during Barack Obama's second term, along with an examination of the ways in which the political and business elites embraced the cultural Left. By delving into these subjects, we aim to equip readers with a comprehensive understanding of the historical roots and contemporary manifestations of the ideologies that currently shape our nation. It is through this understanding that we can hope to navigate the complex terrain and preserve the fundamental principles that lie at the heart of our American identity.

Preface  In recent times, astute observers of American society have noticed a profound transformation taking place within our government institutions, corporations, universities, and cultural landscape. It has become increasingly evident that certain changes have taken hold, with implications that cannot be ignored.  We come across reports detailing the introduction of gender ideology in our schools, where young children are subjected to its influence. It is distressingly common to witness acts of violence, rioting, and looting on the streets of our major cities. Moreover, the economic stability of the American middle class appears to be on a perpetual decline. Meanwhile, the institutions tasked with safeguarding our rights, such as federal law enforcement agencies, have become deeply entangled in political agendas.  Clearly, there exists a ruling class that governs our nation guided by an ideology that poses a threat to the well-being of ordinary, hardworking Americans. To protect our cherished liberties from these radical ideologies, it becomes imperative to comprehend how these ideas emerged and spread over the past few decades, often in stark contrast to traditional American values and objectives. This undertaking serves as a means of reaching out to those who seek to understand the current state of their nation, to engage with the notion of a fading American citizenship.  Within the following pages, we will delve into a range of topics that shed light on this phenomenon:  The distinctions between the mid-century liberals and the radical elements that emerged in opposition to them. An exploration of how the post-sixties radicals ascended to positions of power within government bureaucracies and educational institutions. A close examination of the principles of neoliberalism, which emerged in the late 1970s, and the ways in which these ideas transformed the moral and economic fabric of America. An exploration of the underlying factors that led to what has been referred to as "The Great Awokening" during Barack Obama's second term, along with an examination of the ways in which the political and business elites embraced the cultural Left. By delving into these subjects, we aim to equip readers with a comprehensive understanding of the historical roots and contemporary manifestations of the ideologies that currently shape our nation. It is through this understanding that we can hope to navigate the complex terrain and preserve the fundamental principles that lie at the heart of our American identity.

Preface

In recent times, astute observers of American society have noticed a profound transformation taking place within our government institutions, corporations, universities, and cultural landscape. It has become increasingly evident that certain changes have taken hold, with implications that cannot be ignored.

We come across reports detailing the introduction of gender ideology in our schools, where young children are subjected to its influence. It is distressingly common to witness acts of violence, rioting, and looting on the streets of our major cities. Moreover, the economic stability of the American middle class appears to be on a perpetual decline. Meanwhile, the institutions tasked with safeguarding our rights, such as federal law enforcement agencies, have become deeply entangled in political agendas.

Clearly, there exists a ruling class that governs our nation guided by an ideology that poses a threat to the well-being of ordinary, hardworking Americans. To protect our cherished liberties from these radical ideologies, it becomes imperative to comprehend how these ideas emerged and spread over the past few decades, often in stark contrast to traditional American values and objectives. This undertaking serves as a means of reaching out to those who seek to understand the current state of their nation, to engage with the notion of a fading American citizenship.

Within the following pages, we will delve into a range of topics that shed light on this phenomenon:

1. The distinctions between the mid-century liberals and the radical elements that emerged in opposition to them.
2. An exploration of how the post-sixties radicals ascended to positions of power within government bureaucracies and educational institutions.
3. A close examination of the principles of neoliberalism, which emerged in the late 1970s, and the ways in which these ideas transformed the moral and economic fabric of America.
4. An exploration of the underlying factors that led to what has been referred to as "The Great Awokening" during Barack Obama's second term, along with an examination of the ways in which the political and business elites embraced the cultural Left.

By delving into these subjects, we aim to equip readers with a comprehensive understanding of the historical roots and contemporary manifestations of the ideologies that currently shape our nation. It is through this understanding that we can hope to navigate the complex terrain and preserve the fundamental principles that lie at the heart of our American identity.

 Preface

It’s clear to Americans who are paying attention that something radical has happened to our government institutions, corporations, universities, and culture.  

We read about gender ideology forced into young children’s classrooms. It’s become far too common to see rioters and looters terrorizing the streets of our major cities. The American middle class seems to be in constant economic decline. And at the same time, the institutions charged with protecting and defending our rights, like federal law enforcement, are deeply politicized. 

It’s clear that a ruling class governs our nation according to an ideology, which harms every-day, hardworking Americans.  

To defend our liberties against radical ideologies, we need to understand their how these ideas arose and proliferated over the past few decades in contrast to American values. and aims. This work is an outreach to the idea of a dying American citizenship for people who need to understand what is happening to their country.

Topics include:

• the differences between mid-century liberals and the radicals who revolted against them.
• how post-sixties radicals gained power in government bureaucracies and educational institutions.
• the principles of neoliberalism that arose in the late 1970s and how these ideas changed the morality and economy of America.
• the reasons behind the “The Great Awokening” in Barack Obama’s second term and the embrace of our political and business elite of the cultural Left.

The dragon in the West: from ancient myth to modern legend

from ancient myth to modern legend 

Ian Hunter, Standing In My Light, possibly Top of the Pops

Standing In My Light, Ian Hunter 

Nicator Seleucus I and his empire

Aarhus University Press 

Alexander the Great from Britain to Southeast Asia: peripheral empires in the global renaissance

peripheral empires in the global renaissance 

Authority and authoritative texts in the Platonist tradition

Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press 

Spectres of antiquity: classical literature and the Gothic, 1740-1830

classical literature and the Gothic, 1740-1830 

Early Greek ethics. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press

Early Greek ethics 

The cultural history of Augustan Rome: texts, monuments, and topography

texts, monuments, and topography 

Studying the New Testament through inscriptions: an introduction

an introduction 

Plato and the mythic tradition in political thought

Cambridge: Harvard University Press 

The discovery of the fact. Law and society in the ancient world

Law and society in the ancient world 

Alibi, Ian Hunter

This is another rarity but the jam from Schizophrenic can be found on the compilation, From the Knees Of My Heart, and Tilting The Mirror Rarities (box set only).

Alibi

4:38

This 'Schizophrenic jam' can be found on the compilation From The Knees Of My Heart and on Tilting The Mirror - Rarities (box set only).

Plato’s pigs and other ruminations: ancient guides to living with nature

ancient guides to living with nature 

Plutarch's three treatises on animals: a translation with introductions and commentary

a translation with introductions and commentary 

The Selected Letters of Cassiodorus: A Sixth-Century Sourcebook

 Bjornlie, M. Shane, ed. and trans. The Selected Letters of Cassiodorus: A Sixth-Century Sourcebook. Oakland: University of California Press, 2020. Pp. 328. $40.00. ISBN: 978-0-52029-734-0.

 
   Reviewed by: Bronwen Neil
        Macquarie University
        bronwen.neil@mq.edu.au
 
 
Flavius Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus was one of the great letter-writers of the sixth century. Born c. 485, just before Odovacer moved into Northern Italy as its new ruler, Cassiodorus lived to more than 90 years of age, and spent the majority of his life in service to the long-lived Ostrogothic king Theoderic (d. 526) and his successors. Between 507 and 540, he held the offices of quaestor, consul, "master of offices" (magister officiorum) or chief of the civil service, and praetorian prefect. Throughout his long career, much of his political, diplomatic, legal, and financial business was conducted through letters, and his corpus of 468 letters spanning thirty-three years is the second largest from Roman Late Antiquity, surpassed only by the 854-plus letters in the Registrum of Pope Gregory the Great (590-604 CE). In this sixth-century sourcebook, historian of Late Antiquity Shane Bjornlie offers a selection of Cassiodorus' letters from the collection known as the Variae.
 
This volume complements recent scholarship on ancient Greek and Roman epistolography. In the past ten years in particular there has been a surge of interest in late antique and Byzantine letter collections, which has been gathering momentum in the past three decades. Cristiana Sogno, Bradley Storin, and Ed Watts gave a great service to scholarship on Latin and Greek letter collections of c. 300-600 CE with their volume Late Antique Letter Collections: A Critical Introduction and Reference Guide (Oakland, 2019), to which Bjornlie contributed the chapter on Cassiodorus. A synthesis of late antique Greek and Latin letter-writing has since appeared (Pauline Allen and Bronwen Neil, Greek and Roman Letters in Late Antiquity: The Christianisation of a Literary Form, Cambridge, 2020). The Brill Companion to Byzantine Epistolography edited by Alexander Riehle (Leiden, 2020) is a major contribution to studies of Greek letters and letter collections from the fourth to the fifteenth centuries.
 
The epistolary corpus of Cassiodorus has only recently begun to receive the attention it is due. An alternative selection of 110 letters was translated by S. J. B. Barnish in the series Translated Texts for Historians (Liverpool, 1992). A full Italian translation with Latin text, apparatus criticus, and commentary has been edited in five volumes by Andrea Giardina et al., Cassiodoro Variae (Rome, 2015-2017). In 2019, Bjornlie published his translation of the complete Variae with the same publisher, University of California Press (The Variae: The Complete Translation, Oakland, 2019). That translation, reprinted in the selected letters here, closely mirrors Cassiodorus' style, which is "both literary and bureaucratic" (15). Theodor Mommsen's 1894 edition in Monumenta Germaniae Historica was the basis for the translation, although Bjornlie consulted the Corpus Christianorum Series Latina edition of 1973. In his efforts to capture the quirky, cultured but legalistic, epistolary style of Cassiodorus in readable English, the author succeeds admirably. 
 
While Bjornlie's 2019 volume contained the whole corpus of the Variae arranged in twelve books, this one presents a carefully curated selection of letters designed to illustrate certain themes for students of late antiquity and the early Middle Ages (15). These themes cover a great range of interests: administration, military activity, economic management, religion, gender, culture, politics, and law among them. The rationale of Bjornlie's selection and thematic organisation was to provide "useful artifacts of comparison for understanding either the end of late antiquity or the beginning of the early Middle Ages" (15). In this aim, he has again been eminently successful.
 
The first section comprises a selection of diplomatic letters sent from the Ostrogothic court in the name of King Theoderic to the Byzantine court and the "barbarian" courts of the West, including the Vandals and the Merovingian Franks. Two letters from Theodoric appointing Cassiodorus' father, also called Cassiodorus, to the Roman senate, are a fascinating inclusion in section 2 on the senate and its appointments. Section 3 is a rather dry collection of administrative letters pertaining to court bureaucracy, but interesting from an institutional perspective. Tax and financial management are the subject of section 4. Letters on Ostrogothic administration in regions outside Italy are gathered in section 5. Scholars of military history will find a range of relevant material in section 6 on Goths and the military. Section 7 deals with urban life and section 8 with rural life. Section 9 features letters to popes, bishops, counts and the Jews of Genoa and Milan will appeal to students of religious history and episcopal networks. They are mercifully free of the doctrinal debates so frequently featured in the correspondence of bishops of Rome at this time, such as that of Pope Hormsidas. Section 10 gathers letters between family members and letters to women, a useful addition to the relative lack of contemporary scholarship on this subject, with recent articles by Julia Hillner and Pauline Allen being notable exceptions. 
 
Section 11 deals with letters on law and criminal charges against individuals, while Section 12 on intellectual culture includes a lengthy address to Boethius, asking him to choose a suitable cithara player to accompany Theodoric's envoys to the court of Clovis. This letter (Variae 2.40) from c. 507 tells us much about Cassiodorus' attempts to ingratiate himself with his learned contemporary Boethius, author of the Consolatio philosophiae. 
 
Section 13 on the natural world--with a wonderful description of Lake Como in Variae 11.14--offers some of the most interesting material and places Cassiodorus firmly in the classical tradition of letter-writing. This influence is also suggested by Cassiodorus' tendency to start and finish each book with book-end letters that reflect the prominence of the recipient, a practice discussed by Bjornlie in the introduction (10). This practice may reflect a conscious symmetry observed by Roy Gibson and Ruth Morello in book 6 of the letters of Pliny the Younger, which is framed by three pairs complementary letters at its beginning and end (Reading the Letters of Pliny the Younger: An Introduction, Cambridge, 2012, 44). Other letters of Cassiodorus, such as Athalaric to Severus (8.33), extolling the virtues of healing springs, are plainly Christianised versions of ancient themes. Bjornlie suggests elsewhere that the division of the Variae into twelve books may reflect the structure of Cassiodorus' twelve-book Gothic history (The Variae, 10). The twelve-part structure, with books 1-5 containing letters written on behalf of Theoderic, books 6-7 containing form-letters, books 8-10 devoted to letters written on behalf of Athalaric and successive Gothic kings, and books 11-12 reserved for letters written by Cassiodorus while he was praetorian prefect, is discussed briefly in the Introduction (9-10).
 
The Nachleben of the Variae is not discussed in this volume but is given attention in Bjornlie's larger study, The Variae: The Complete Translation (17-19). The Variae seem to have fallen out of circulation after the end of the Gothic war in 554, when Justinian's Pragmatic Sanction officially ended Byzantine hostilities with the Goths and Cassiodorus retired to Vivarium in Calabria. The relatively low impact of the Variae in Cassiodorus' day may be connected with the author's association with Boethius, the senator who was imprisoned for conspiracy against Theoderic and executed in 524. The reason for its lack of popularity may lie in the fact that, when Cassiodorus became Master of Offices c. 523, he replaced Boethius. Even books 6 and 7 of the Variae, which contained formularies or form letters for appointments, where the author had simply to fill in the blanks for name and rank on each occasion, were not used by Latin epistolographers after Cassiodorus. 
 
This volume is a most welcome addition to work on Ostrogothic Italy and Latin letter collections from the early Middle Ages and promises to bring a new generation of students to a deeper understanding of these texts, which are of critical importance to Western cultural and institutional history. Various aids to the reader accompany the translations. The "Chronology of Key Events" (17-20) will help the reader to put all the main events of Cassiodorus' career in their historical context. Three maps, an index of individuals, a list of indictional years relative to Cassiodorus' career in public office, the comprehensive glossary, and the select bibliography ensure that this will be an invaluable sourcebook for students and historians of the sixth century, and especially for those interested in epistolography and the denouement of the Later Roman empire in Italy. 

Un-Roman sex: gender, sexuality, and lovemaking in the Roman provinces and frontiers

Routledge monographs in classical studies 

The Poetics in its Aristotelian context. Routledge monographs in classical studies

Routledge monographs in classical studies 

Plundered empire: acquiring antiquities from Ottoman lands

Heritage and identity 

Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft in der späten Römischen Republik

Fachwissenschaftliche und fachdidaktische Aspekte 

Les philosophes face au vice, de Socrate à Augustin

de Socrate à Augustin 

Horace's "Odes". Oxford approaches to classical literature

Oxford approaches to classical literature 

Mediterranean archaeologies of insularity in an age of globalization

Oxford: Oxbow Books 

New approaches to ancient material culture in the Greek and Roman world: 21st-century methods and Classical antiquity

21st-century methods and Classical antiquity 

Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and historiography

Herodotus and historiography 

Sophocles. Greece and Rome. New surveys in the classics

New surveys in the classics 

Robin Lane Fox, The invention of medicine: a history from Homer to Hippocrates

a history from Homer to Hippocrates 

Hafenstädte im östlichen Mittelmeerraum vom Hellenismus bis in die römische Kaiserzeit

Städtebau, Funktion und Wahrnehmung