In regards to Bush and Iraq, Maier claims that the President's policies
have been "calamitous," (p. 60), "reckless," (p. 62), a series of
"adventures" (p. 63), and "testosterone-fueled" (p. 78); thus, with that
polemic, Maier can hardly be taken seriously. Unless he is willing to
engage the issues his analysis is flawed.
Maier wants to establish that interactions between countries actually
occur below the level of official diplomacy, at that level of motivation
and the basest instinct of human beings, religion. Yet, he returns to
official state representatives, not the below actors considered important
earlier, and finds, of all things, moderate Islam (p. 69)? If his
intention is to find and discover religion, below the surface, you would
think this would be an easy search to conduct. Any number of radical,
jihadist examples proliferate in the world but moderate Islamic world
spokespersons are much harder to find. Not one moderate Islamic
spokesperson has emerged from the Middle East; the discovery of a Martin
Luther King, Jr., or a Mother Theresa from the Middle East is not
forthcoming. We are left with the world we are actually in and not the
world Maier describes.
Maier is all over the place in his search for authentic cultural
expression from below. He even includes "street theater" (p. 72). His
argument is not simple as he suggests (p. 61), but simplistic. He
approvingly quotes Fareed Zakaria, the celebrator of America's decline
(The Future of Freedom, The Post-American World), who naively describes
Weimar as a "model democracy" (p. 76), by ignoring its obvious
limitations.
The Weimar republic faced severe problems from the start. Politically, it
was weak because Germany had many small parties. The chancellor had to
form coalitions that easily fell apart.
The government, led by moderate democratic socialists, came under
constant fire from both the left and right. Communists demanded radical
changes like those Lenin had brought to Russia. Conservatives—including
the old Junker nobility, military officers, and wealthy bourgeoisie—
attacked the government as too liberal and weak. They longed for another
strong leader like Bismarck. Germans of all classes blamed the Weimar
Republic for the hated Versailles treaty. Bitter, they looked for
scapegoats. Many blamed German Jews for economic and political problems.
Weimar was not a model democracy, it was a flawed republic from its
creation in 1919.
But Maier is not quite done with analyzing religion. He remarks: "we must
work to attenuate the passions of religion" (p. 80). How, he does not say
since he is correct in viewing religion as a phenomenon from below and he
should appreciate that the winds of religion blow where they will.
However, it is true that Turkey may be an example of one Islamic country
that largely maintains a secular government as opposed to Islamist
religionists holding sway. Yet, Maier makes the staggering proposition
that "ultimately Iran" will have a "constituency of middle-class electors
concerned with property and humane values" (p. 80).
That Iran will peacably evolve into a European-like Christian Democracy
is preposterous. Iranian development is not simply rhetoric but the
reality of Iran is alarming. Iran is a country that willingly sacrificed
one million of its own citizens in its disastrous war against Iraq from
1980-1988. What European Christian Democracy would do this today?
Maier does not seriously consider Bush's doctrine and he seriously
distorts and misunderstands the phenomenon of religion, particularly
Islamism.